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ISRAEL, ELIHU AND CADWALLADER 
WASHBURN 


A CHAPTER IN AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY 


THE MACMILLAN COMPANY 


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ISRAEL, ELIHU 


AND 


CADWALLADER WASHBURN 


A CHAPTER IN AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY 


COMPILED BY 
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1925 


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TABLE OF CONTENTS 


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PAGE 
REE Weis oun a Nl Meg efe e ale teas adhe I 
IsRAEL WASHBURN, THE ELDEST SON: 

Manmemeance and harly, Wramingor sy. ee ys ais ued i") 
meTILOshOlitical iene eed es hana ot 14 
Ramamestiiseblacein Congresses. ove. is 0 es be 223 
PRICE AM ATC tN ta Le 2 29 
PerresslOLetne New sl alty wioilin oli aya cae bbl 36 
As a Leader of the Republican Party............... SI 
Peer) y Cars. in, COngsress.... 6, yn eee se ee ve) OF 
PEL TOV ENTE Choe a ie oi hee AS ec id SI 
Bernd her OLGOVermorsnips Oa l eis os ee ee IOI 
Peeerrororthe LOL Ol bortland. wo.) ist iy. 2 thet. TI 
SSSA GEERT yt fen iS US Bs 129 
(aS od BSP ERR MESIAL 1) ICRA a 145 
E.tgu BENJAMIN WASHBURNE: 
ATCO oer PUN a Tae Vitec Pe Poo acy tal s he | 155 
OUEST OR TALS a OT A EO aA NE Oy J 
Reema AISLONTICAL ACTIVITIES duc 6 losis wales chen ss oe 183 
Os CSCECTE RNS sly hia ge SO . 196 
Mery Contact with Lincoln and Grant..,.......... 228 
SS Endorsement of Radical Party.. 255 
Relations with Grant and Last Peed Yi Coneres: 
eae CUI EV IAN se Whi ate ela b) fled. Wats 239 
Remrerorat hy CuAN Con ms A yeah SET, bla Unghie sole ak 247 
Presidential Candidacy of Grant and Washburne.... 264 
BEMmtareRAM VY TITINOS hth rain he NM ha dl 284 
oh PLR Cosi Oi SRR RST hath RG a 289 
CADWALLADER COLDEN WASHBURN: 
Push to the Westward and Settlement at Mineral 
Point. . Nd IO SNM ORE RARE tt Cte Pe 8 
First (Wenefcsuional Rercicen 2319 


vi 


Table of Contents 


PAGE 
Partin Civil Ware orks Sea. 333 
Second Congressional Service... .... >... 363 
Governor\of: Wisconsin.) 00... V0... 371 
The Impetus'of/ Statesmanship....... 0. (ee 377 
The'Flour;Malls\ og. os oe 383 
Philanthropic Pursuits. . 24)... |. 2). 388 


Last) Dayseh iyi KO a 391 


ISRAEL, ELIHU AND CADWALLADER 
WASHBURN 


A CHAPTER IN AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY 


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THE HOME 


One cold day early in the winter of 1868 Charles Ames 
Washburn stood in the front porch of his father’s house, 
and as the winds swept through the surrounding wood- 
land the words of Tennyson’s Oriana formed into sound 
from his lips: 


“When the long dun wolds are ribbed with snow, 
And loud the Norland whirlwinds blow.” 


From that time the Washburn place became ‘‘The 
Norlands.”’ 

But however severe the winters may be, the summer 
climate is benignant and delightful, and there is nothing 
to suggest bleakness in the meadows when they are green, 
or in the forests when they are in leaf. 

About forty miles from its mouth where it flows into the 
Kennebec, the Androscoggin River passes over a long 
stretch of rough rocks projecting from its bed and form- 
ing rapids which used to be known as Livermore Falls and 
where are now the mills and the village of Livermore Falls. 
Rising on either side of the river at this point is a succes- 
sion of hills so high that in a flatter region they might be 
called mountains, and about five miles to the westward of 
the Falls, after several of the hills have been passed, lies 
the place where the Washburns have liv. for more than 
a hundred years, and where all of the elder Israel Wash- 
burn’s children were born. It marks the very center of 
the town of Livermore which is in the extreme north of 
the county of Androscoggin and is some forty miles from 
the sea. Looking from the porch of the homestead, in 

I 


2 Israel, Elihu and Cadwallader Washburn 


front and to the right stretch the Oxford Hills; to the 
left lie the lesser Androscoggin Hills. Behind the Oxford 
Hills rises, in the distance, the dim, blue outline of the 
White Mountains forty miles away. Between the hills 
glisten small lakes of clear water. Scattered at random 
are long stretches of green valleys surrounded with deep 
woods. It is doubtful if there is any spot in all of Maine 
more beautiful than The Norlands. 

Where the homestead now stands Dr. Cyrus Hamlin, 
the father of Hannibal Hamlin, built a large, square, two- 
story house about one hundred and fifty years ago. He 
sold it to Artemas Leonard in 1805, from whom Israel 
Washburn bought it in 1809. In 1843 it was pulled down, 
and.a pleasant white cottage took its place. In 1867 an 
addition to this house was in progress of building when the 
whole was burned; and immediately afterwards the large, 
roomy house, with broad verandahs, wide hall, and many 
windows, which now stands, was erected. Around it are 
the elm trees which Israel Washburn planted with 
his own hands, and maples planted by Charles Ames 
Washburn. 

About fifty yards from the house is The Norlands 
church, a white, old-fashioned structure with a spire 
one sees from a distance when approaching, where the 
Washburns have always worshipped. It was built with 
Israel Washburn’s aid in 1829. 

The long avenue of elms leading to the house is bordered 
to the west by a great hedge of arbor vite—above which 
stretches the beautiful panorama of hill and valley, lake 
and forest, and on clear days is visible the distant peak of 
Mt. Washington. Under the shadow of the elms is a 
small, grey stone gothic building erected by the sons to the 
memory of their mother and given as a library to the 


The Home 3 


country-side. Beyond this again is a quaint, single- 
storied house with cupola, used seventy years ago as the 
district school. Surrounding the original property are 
the summer homes of a later generation of Washburns, 
covering together some hundreds of acres. 

The great natural beauty of this site was undoubtedly a 
factor in the lives of the men who grew up there. The old 
home retained a vital place in their thought and con- 
stantly they returned to the silence of the hills for rest and 
inspiration. A still greater factor was their mother, a 
woman of indomitable will and ambition, eager for her 
sons’ advancement, forcing and directing their talents,— 
and winning for herself their imperishable love and ad- 
miration. She lived to see them grow into manhood and 
to be repaid for her unselfish devotion to them. 

After the father’s death the brothers jointly owned and 
kept up The Norlands, the last owner being William Drew 
of Minnesota, the youngest, who died July 29, 1912. 


It is related that once when the sons of Israel Washburn 
were gathered together at The Norlands, being then 
mature men who had established themselves in their 
generation, a dispute arose over the question of who among 
them had most distinguished himself, and it was agreed to 
submit the question to a secret ballot. The votes were 
deposited, and when they were counted it was found that 
each brother had received one vote. Each one had, in fact, 
voted for himself. A second ballot was then taken and 
Cadwallader Colden Washburn received all the votes 
except his own. 

His brothers looked upon him with esteem. He was a 
representative in Congress, but so were three of them. He 
was governor of his state, but so was one of them. He 


4 Israel, Elihu and Cadwallader Washburn 


never represented his country in a foreign state, as two of 
his brothers did; never was in the Senate as one was; nor 
in the Cabinet as another was. One of his brothers was in 
the navy during the Civil War and acquitted himself 
creditably, but Cadwallader was the only one who at- 
tained high military rank. He was the fighting man. 
When he died at the age of sixty-four he had carried the 
title of general for twenty years. He had achieved dis- 
tinction in that walk of life in which ambitious men most 
crave distinction. 

When the brothers voted him the greatest of them they 
did not have in mind that he was the richest. They were 
all thrifty and shrewd money-makers. In their view, to 
accumulate a competency and have his family secure from 
want was the duty ofa man. They ordered their lives so as 
to accomplish this end; but they took this duty as a matter 
of course and measured a man’s importance in the com- 
munity without reference to the measure of his wealth. 

While Israel, the eldest son, was taking root in the par- 
ent state, his brothers yielded to a feeling of restlessness 
and impatience to try their fortunes in other communities, 
where life was freer, opportunities of success were more 
abundant, and advancement was more rapid. Of his 
six brothers, five went to the West. Israel was in some 
sort the mentor and guardian of the younger boys, and as 
soon as he became a man helped them in their educational 
projects. 

The father’s straitened circumstances, after the failure of 
the store, fell most heavily on him, Sidney, Elihu, and 
Cadwallader. The brothers who grew up after these 
fared more easily, being helped by those older. None, 
however, knew the comfort of opulence until he had 
acquired it for himself. 


The Home 5 


Prosperity and power came to them all, won by their 
own strength and ability. Israel, Elihu and Cadwallader 
served in Congress at the same time, a circumstance 
which excited much comment and is without parallel. 
Two of them, Israel and Cadwallader, were governors of 
their states. Elihu, Charles, and Israel published works 
of value. A family to show a Secretary of State, two 
ministers abroad, a senator, a major general, three au- 
thors, two governors and four representatives in Congress 
distributed among five brothers, gives proof of a power of 
success above other families. 

The men were devotedly attached to each other. While 
circumstances threw them apart geographically they 
corresponded often. When one could help another he 
considered it his first duty to do so. They bandied rough 
jokes among themselves as brothers do, but they were 
intensely proud of each other and intensely loyal to each 
other. They had much influence upon one another. 
The central objects of their devotion were the old father 
and mother on the farm at Livermore. As they made 
money they supported the establishment. They improved 
the house and added more acres to the estate. Each of 
them returned to the old place when he could and re- 
newed his allegiance to the head of the house. 

When the mother died May 6, 1861, the father continued 
to live at the place and the same life went on. When he 
died September 1, 1876, the brothers kept the place and 
kept up the old life. Some one of them was there much 
of the time; the others came when they could, to renew the 
memories and associations of their childhood and early 
manhood. What may be termed family public opinion 
flourished and was a recognized force with them. 

Israel Washburn’s foremost friends and those for whom 


6 Israel, Elihu and Cadwallader Washburn 


he felt the strongest affection were those whom he had 
known when he was a young lawyer winning his way at 
Orono; but, although he spent so much time in Washington 
and lived for thirty years in Portland, the spot for which 
he had the fondest devotion was the home of his child- 
hood, The Norlands. 








IsraEL WasHBuRN, JR. 





ISRAEL WASHBURN, THE ELDEST SON 
INHERITANCE AND EARLY TRAINING 


Israel Washburn was born at Livermore on June 6, 
1813. From infancy he was small. His father was a short 
man and his mother not tall. When he reached man- 
hood he stood not more than five feet six inches in height. 
As a child his hair was tow-colored, and it was light and 
straight when he wasa man. He wore it parted far on the 
side and brushed across his broad forehead. His eyes were 
light blue; his complexion pale; the mouth large, the 
upper lip straight; the nose large and broad; the chin 
large; the neck short, and the chest deep enough for a man 
of greater stature. His hands were well shaped, the fingers 
rounded. From this it is evident he was not a symmetri- 
cally proportioned person, the body being too large for the 
legs, and his features irregular; but his whole make-up 
denoted physical and mental strength and sound health. 
He had no personal vanity, but was exquisitely neat in 
his apparel. His clothes were made for him for many years 
by the same tailor in Portland and he was particular about 
the fit and material. He read well and was fond of reading 
aloud. When he spoke to an audience,—and he began 
public speaking almost as soon as he was admitted to the 
bar,—his voice was clear and musical and of great power— 
a chest voice which could carry as far as he chose to send it. 

Israel Washburn was a New Englander of unmixed 
English stock and traditions. The first record of the 
family is found in Worcester County, England, the sur- 
name being derived from Little Washbourne in Overbury. 

7 


8 Israel, Elihu and Cadwallader Washburn 


There Sir Roger Washbourne flourished during the latter 
half of the Thirteenth Century, the name being spelled 
variously Washbourne, Wasseburn, Washburne, but by 
the time a member of the family came to America it had 
become Washburn. A descendant of Sir Roger Wash- 
bourne, John Washbourne, moved from Little Wash- 
bourne to Evesham, a few miles distant, and from this 
branch came another John, who went to Plymouth Colony 
about 1631, and was joined by Marjorie, his wife, and their 
sons in 1635, she being the daughter of Robert Moore. 
One of John Washburn’s sons married Elizabeth Mitchell 
and had eleven children, one of whom, Samuel, married 
Deborah Packard, also of English descent, and they had a 
son named Israel born in 1684, this being the first 
American-born Israel Washburn. He married Waitstill 
Sumner in 1708 and their fourth son, born in 1718, was 
also called Israel. The family had been living in Bridge- 
water, Massachusetts, up to this time, but Israel moved to 
Raynham; and on March 4, 1776, he was elected a member 
of the Committee of Correspondence, Inspection and 
Safety of that town, served in the militia, and, for a 
brief period in 1778, was a sergeant in Captain John 
Shaw’s company in the Revolutionary War. One of the 
sons of Israel Washburn and Waitstill Sumner, also named 
Israel, born in Raynham in 1755, was also in the Revolu- 
tion as a private in James Williams, Jr’s., company at the 
battle of Lexington. 

This Israel’s son, also called Israel, was the father of the 
Israel of this work. He was born at Raynham in 1784, 
and came to the District of Maine in 1806, where he taught 
school in the town of Woolwich and engaged in ship build- 
ing at Whites’ Landing, now Richmond, on the Kennebec 
River. In 1809 he moved to Livermore, bought the farm 


Israel Washburn, the Eldest Son 9 


and a store from Artemus Leonard, and farmed and 
traded, until in 1829 the store failed, and thereafter he 
supported his family by the farm with the aid of a small 
legacy which had come to his wife. In 1859 he became 
blind; an operation for cataract of the eyes was unsuccess- 
ful, and for seventeen years, until his death (within two 
months of ninety-two), he lived in darkness. During this 
time his sons were his main support. When his business 
failed, his brother, Reuel Washburn, assumed his debts, and 
many years later Israel Washburn’s sons paid with interest 
the full amount thus advanced. 

In his prime, Israel Washburn had been active in polit- 
ical life and public affairs remained his greatest interest 
up to the end. He was a member of the general court of 
Massachusetts for four years, from 1815 to 1819. 

In 1812, at Livermore, he had married Martha or 
“Patty” Benjamin. She was twenty years old, the 
daughter of Lieutenant Samuel Benjamin, the descendant 
of John Benjamin who arrived in America in 1632 in the 
Lion and was a proprietor of Cambridge and Water- 
town, Massachusetts. Samuel Benjamin was in the 
Revolution, serving in Captain Daniel Whitney’s company 
at Lexington, Bunker Hill, Monmouth, and finally York- 
town; in all more than seven years. His wife was Tabitha 
Livermore, descended from the early settlers, a relative of 
Deacon Elijah Livermore, after whom the town was 
named. The eldest child of Israel Washburn and Martha 
Benjamin was born when his father was twenty-nine 
years old and his mother twenty-one. They called him 
Israel, being the fifth Washburn of that name in Massa- 
chusetts. He was the eldest of a family of eleven children, 
eight boys and three girls, only one of whom, a boy, 
William Allen Drew, died in infancy, November 28, 1822. 


IO Israel, Elihu and Cadwallader Washburn 


After the rudiments of his education had been acquired 
from the schools in the vicinity, his father’s failure cast 
him on his own resources at the age of sixteen, and he 
helped his father with the work on the farm, but in 
the course of two years went to live in North Livermore 
with his uncle, Reuel Washburn, with a view to study- 
ing law; and his uncle instructed him also in Latin and 
Greek. 

Reuel Washburn was a graduate of Brown University, 
Providence, Rhode Island, a lawyer of large practice, and, 
like all of his family, fond of public life, being a member 
of the state senate in 1827 and 1828 and in the latter year 
the Whig candidate for Congress. He claimed that he 
had been elected, but the House after investigation decided 
that his Democratic competitor, James W. Ripley, had 
won by five votes. Probably no lawyer in his section of 
Maine had a sounder reputation at the bar than Reuel 
Washburn, and Israel Washburn was fortunate in having 
him for preceptor. 

He studied law with his uncle until he was admitted to 
the bar in October, 1834, when he was twenty-one years 
old. He was married on October 24, 1841, to Mary Maud 
Webster, of Orono, Maine. This young lady was the 
daughter of Colonel Ebenezer Webster, a lumber merchant 
in that village, a man of substance, who assisted his son- 
in-law in his progress. This Mrs. Washburn was the 
mother of his four children, all born at Orono. His wife 
died in Minneapolis, June 30, 1873, and in January, 1876, 
he married Miss Rebina Napier Brown of Boston, Mas- 
sachusetts, who still survives and lives in California. 

For ten winters, when he was a member of the House of 
Representatives (having taken his seat at the age of 
twenty-nine) he was in Washington. He was fond of 


Israel Washburn, the Eldest Son II 


travelling for brief periods in the summer; and made two 
or more trips to Europe; but never lived anywhere other 
than in Maine. In 1820, when he was seven years old, 
Maine had separated from Massachusetts and been 
admitted to statehood. 

When he went to Washington he was forty-five years 
old and he then saw the border of the South for the first 
time and slavery on slave territory. The heart of the 
South he never saw until twenty years after slavery had 
been driven from it. Among his friends and correspond- 
ents there were no Southerners, and it is doubtful if he 
ever knew a slaveholder intimately. He had, however, a 
knowledge of the West which was inevitable with four 
younger brothers there. 

He was an assiduous collector of facts concerning the 
history of Maine and of that part of it in which he was born 
and lived. His Historical Notes of Livermore was the longest 
product of his pen; his address on the occasion of the 
dedication of a town hall at Orono in 1874 showed how 
effective he had made his interest in the history of that 
village. The most carefully prepared and elaborate 
essay he ever wrote was that on the north-eastern bound- 
ary question, wherein he demonstrated the injustice which 
had been done to Maine by the treaty of Washington with 
Great Britain in 1842, which surrendered to Canada a 
strip of territory which Maine had claimed. It was read 
before the Maine Historical Society of which he was a 
member for nineteen years, being its president some of that 
time. He was deeply rooted in the soil of Maine and he 
looked at public questions from her point of view. This 
is not to say that his point of view was narrow, for the 
strong convictions which came from familiarity with a 
certain aspect were tempered by a broad mental vision, a 


12 Israel, Elihu and Cadwallader Washburn 


sympathetic nature, a cultivated mind and a warm 
imagination. 

The great work of his life was his contest against the 
extension of the slave power in America; then against 
slavery itselfin America. The part he took in the struggle 
and the practical and effective direction he gave to the 
opposition to slavery entitle him to rank with the historical 
characters of the most important period of American 
history after the Revolution. 

His industry and talent and attractiveness as a speaker 
called attention to him in Orono soon after he opened 
his law office. 

He had been admitted to the bar at Bangor, which was 
an enterprising place and afforded good opportunities for 
a young lawyer; but Washburn chose, as offering better 
chances, the town of Orono, ten miles farther up Penobscot 
River. When he went there it had a population of about 
1500 people, and when he left it, thirty years later to 
settle in Portland, it had not more than 2000. The 
chief industry was lumbering until 1834 when a great land 
“boom’”’ was promoted. However, this soon collapsed and 
a temporary slump in affairs resulted. 

When he started in Orono he knew one man of influence, 
Benjamin Brown of Vassalboro. There were half a dozen 
lawyers and in 1836 he formed a partnership with Henry 
E. Prentiss, which lasted for two years when Prentiss 
moved to Bangor. Thereafter Washburn had no partner. 

In 1843, nearly ten years after his arrival, a Universalist 
church ' was formed and he became an active member. He 
had always belonged to that denomination, as his father 


1 See Washburn’s historical address delivered at Orono in 1874 in Centennial 
Celebration and Dedication of Town Hall, Orono, Maine, March 3, 1874, 
Portland, 1874. 


Israel Washburn, the Eldest Son 13 


had before him. The church at Livermore was Univer- 
salist. 

Politics in the town were Democratic in 1834; but in 
1837 there was a notable Whig victory, and in 1840, a 
division of the town having been made, it became a Whig 
community. Washburn’s public service began almost 
immediately after his settlement and he was made a 
justice of the peace and quorum. Two years after his 
arrival, in 1836, he served on the School Committee and 
often at later periods. 

In 1839 he was town moderator and again in 1842, 
1843, and 1848. There his experience was interesting and 
valuable. The governor was John Fairfield, who had 
led the state in the famous “Aroostook War” in 1839, 
when she prepared to invade Canada. He was a Demo- 
crat, and went from the governorship to the United States 
Senate, where he took high rank. A man of accomplish- 
ments and great personal charm, of strict integrity and 
honor, he was a model governor and kept the whole state 
government up to high level. Washburn served as a mem- 
ber of the Committee on Elections, and, being one of the 
minority, often prepared minority reports. During his 
service the governor laid before the legislature correspond- 
ence with Daniel Webster, the Secretary of State, on the 
subject of the treaty with England settling the north- 
eastern boundary question. 

The service in the state legislature was the last public 
service of Israel Washburn, until he was elected a repre- 
sentative in Congress in 1851. 


ENTRY INTO POLITICAL LIFE 


The elevation of Israel Washburn to the national 
House of Representatives came as a natural promotion. 
He had obtained a prominent position in his party while 
it was the minority, and was nominated for representative 
in 1851 when it was still doubtful whether the tide had 
turned. The incumbent was Charles Stetson of Bangor, 
a Democrat, lately judge of the municipal court of Bangor, 
a graduate of Yale and a man of standing in his commu- 
nity. In the contest for the office there was much excite- 
ment but no acrimony. The five nominations which he 
afterwards obtained came without opposition, and his 
majorities increased steadily. 

The affairs of the nation were approaching a critical 
stage when he took his seat in Congress, and the part 
Maine was to play in the approaching struggle was 
uncertain. 

In spite of some opposition the state had separated from 
Massachusetts in 1819, the people of the Maine District 
voting in favor of the separation by a majority of 10,000. 
There was not much political sympathy between Maine 
and the original state, the ““Down Easters” being Repub- 
licans (as Democrats were then called), when Massachu- 
setts was the home of Federalism. The constitution of 
Maine went much farther on the road to democratic 
government than Massachusetts had gone up to that 
time. There was less restriction on the right of suffrage; 
property qualifications for holding office were abolished, 
and there was no compulsory support of religion, all of 

14 


Israel Washburn, the Eldest Son 15 


these things then being features of the fundamental law of 
Massachusetts. 

The separation having been accomplished Maine sought 
admission as a state of the Union. Her eligibility was not 
disputed, and the bill admitting her was passed by the 
House January 3, 1820; but in the Senate it emerged from 
committee joined to another bill admitting Missouri with 
a constitution providing for the extension of slavery. 
Then took place the first great struggle, after the con- 
stitution had been adopted,—over the extension of the 
slave power. It was settled by the First Missouri Com- 
promise, by which Missouri became a slave state and a 
line was drawn below that state north of which freedom 
was to exist and south of which slavery might be adopted 
by states as they came into the Union at their option. 
John Holmes, who represented the Maine District in the 
House, was a member of the committee which framed the 
Compromise, and reported it to the House. It was passed 
March 2, 1820, and the next day Maine took her place as 
one of the states of the Union. Missouri was admitted a 
year later, and thereafter slavery was not the great ques- 
tion in Congress for a generation. During the years in 
which Israel Washburn was growing into manhood and 
forming his views the men with whom he associated re- 
garded slavery as a settled question which it was dis- 
honorable to bring forward as a national issue. 

Maine cast its first electoral vote in 1824 for John 
Quincy Adams, who was a Republican; in 1828 and 1832 
it voted for Andrew Jackson; for Van Buren in 1836; for 
Harrison in 1840; for Polk in 1844; Taylor in 1848; Pierce 
in 1852; and Buchanan in 1856. The first senators, John 
Chandler and John Holmes, were Republicans. 

In 1841, twenty years after the Missouri Compromise 


16 Israel, Elihu and Cadwallader Washburn 


settlement, in spite of the disapproval of both Whigs and 
Democrats, the slavery question was brought into the 
politics of the state by the Liberty or Abolition party, 
which proposed to accomplish the emancipation of the 
blacks and was simply opposed to slavery anywhere in 
America under any conditions whatever. The orthodox 
parties were surprised when it polled 12,000 votes. At 
about the same time the Free-Soil party appeared, pledged 
to opposition to extension of slavery and soon it formed a 
coalition with the Liberty party. With neither of these 
parties had Washburn sympathy or affiliation. He was 
still a Whig, a Clay man, a Missouri Compromise man. 
The state was even more opposed to slavery agitation than 
he was, for it was still Democratic when he was elected 
to Congress in 1851. Dr. John Hubbard, of Hallowell, 
a Democrat, was governor, and, while Dr. Hubbard’s 
successor, William G. Crosby, was a Whig, he was elected 
chiefly on the issue of the sale of intoxicating liquors 
which had now become an active and confusing factor 
in state politics. The law prohibiting the sale was passed 
in 1891, and since then it had been difficult to determine 
the true temper of the Maine electorate on national 
political questions, so much attention was given to this 
local social question. 

Israel Washburn never sympathized with the agitation 
for prohibiting the sale of intoxicating liquors. He was 
fully alive to the evils produced by strong drink. They 
were manifest in a notable degree in Maine and especially 
in river communities like Orono; but he never believed 
they could be cured by law and he never approved of mak- 
ing the question a part of the program of his party. 

Before Crosby’s election, Edward Kent, a Whig, had 
been elected governor in 1838 and again in 1841, and he 


Israel Washburn, the Eldest Son 17 


had been the only Whig governor. When Washburn took 
his seat in Congress, he and Robert Goodenow were the 
only Whigs in the Maine delegation of seven members. 
Both senators, James W. Bradbury and Hannibal Hamlin, 
were Democrats. After the new Republican party had 
been formed, a Democrat, Samuel Wells of Portland, was 
elected governor in 1855; but the next year the Repub- 
licans having combined with the “ Free-Soilers,’’ Hannibal 
Hamlin, who had become a Republican, was elected 
governor, and from that time the fluctuations were fre- 
quent between the parties, the preponderance of victories 
being with the Republicans. 

In 1850 the application of California to be admitted into 
the Union as a free state had started the smoldering fires 
of the slave question into flame. If it came in as a free 
state the equilibrium between the free states and the slave 
states would be destroyed, and national power would be 
with the free states, where abolition sentiments were 
spreading at a rate alarming to the South. Again Henry 
Clay came forward with a series of compromises which it 
was hoped would quiet the contending sections. The two 
chief compromises were that California should be admitted 
to the Union as a free state, but that slavery might go in, 
or stay out of any territory, as the people wished; and its 
status as a slave state or a free state should be settled when 
the territory should apply for admission as a state. This 
provision in reality only postponed and aggravated the 
difficulty; but, as it did not restrain the introduction of 
slavery into a territory, it encouraged its introduction. 
Another provision of the compromise was a fugitive slave 
law of great severity and very offensive in its provisions 
to the people of the free states. 

The compromise was accepted by Washburn and his 


18 Israel, Elihu and Cadwallader Washburn 


party. Their first thought was to quiet the public mind 
and prevent danger to the Union. They soon found, 
however, that the public mind would not be quieted, and 
that they must surrender to the slave interest or fight it. 

The Congress of 1851 had few men of national reputa- 
tion in the House. Georgia sent Alexander H. Stevens; 
Indiana, Thomas A. Hendricks; Kentucky, John C. 
Breckinridge; Massachusetts, Horace Mann; Ohio, Joshua 
R. Giddings; Pennsylvania, Thaddeus Stevens; there 
were hardly any others who had achieved extensive repu- 
tation or were to do so. The Senate was stronger. It 
included Isaac Toucey of Connecticut, James A. Bayard 
of Delaware, S. A. Douglas of Illinois, Henry Clay of 
Kentucky, serving his last term, Pierre Soulé of Louisiana, 
Hannibal Hamlin of Maine, Charles Sumner of Massachu- 
setts, Lewis Cass of Michigan, Jefferson Davis of Missis- 
sippi, John P. Hale of New Hampshire, Hamilton Fish and 
William H. Seward of New York, Salmon P. Chase and 
Benjamin F. Wade of Ohio, R. Barnwell Rhett of South 
Carolina, John Bell of Tennessee, Sam Houston of Texas, 
and R. M. T. Hunter and James M. Mason of Virginia, all 
men of power who made their mark in their generation. 

The Whigs were hopelessly in the minority in both 
houses and in the lower house numbered only g1 to 142 
Democrats. When the ballot for Speaker was taken the 
Democrats put forward Linn Boyd, of Kentucky, an old 
member; but the opposition did not unite on a candidate, 
casting complimentary votes for half a dozen different 
ones. Mr. Washburn with nineteen other members, voted 
for Joseph R. Chandler of Pennsylvania. Up to 1847 
this latter had been the editor of an advanced Whig 
paper. He had an interest in literature, having written 
an English grammar, and was active in prison reform and 


Israel Washburn, the Eldest Son 19 


kindred subjects. Doubtless Washburn’s preference for 
him was due to a sympathy with his tastes. He indulged a 
similar predilection when the election of a chaplain took 
place. Some ten clergymen were candidates and on the first 
ballot Washburn and five others voted for Orville Dewey, 
the Unitarian. On a later ballot he voted for Littleton 
F. Morgan, the Episcopal candidate, who was elected. 
Israel came to Washington with the evident expectation 
of staying in the House and set himself to learn the House 
business. He became a good parliamentarian and was 
put on the Committee on Rules. His range of interests 
was wide,—embracing contested elections, affairs of the 
District of Columbia, deaf mute education, Revolutionary 
pensions, the mileage of members and all railway ques- 
tions. He was industrious in attending to the interests of 
his constituents, presented bills for their personal relief, 
and never missed an opportunity of urging a measure if it 
promised to inure to the advantage of Maine. He was not 
a frequent debater, but made many short speeches and a 
few carefully prepared long ones. He is represented as 
having been naturally a quick-tempered man; but al- 
though the passions of the members raged tempestuously 
during the whole time of his service in the House and 
personal insults and conflicts were frequent, and although 
he became recognized as a leader among the radical anti- 
slavery members and expressed his opinions fearlessly and 
strongly, he never had a personal altercation with any 
member on the floor of the House, never was called to 
order, never bothered the House with personal explana- 
tions. The reason for this is that he never dealt in person- 
alities in his speeches; but always bent his attention upon 
the measures he was opposing or advocating. His life in 
Washington broadened his horizon. He met men from 


20 Israel, Elihu and Cadwallader Washburn 


all sections of the country and he formed friendships which 
endured. The membership of the House improved in 
character after 1852. In 1853 his brother Elihu came from 
Galena, [llinois, William H. English from Indiana, 
Nathaniel P. Banks and Thomas D. Elliot from Massachu- 
setts. The next congress saw Howell Cobb from Georgia, 
Humphrey Marshall from Kentucky, Henry Winter 
Davis from Maryland, John A. Bingham and John Sher- 
man from Ohio, Quentin S. Morrill Justin from Vermont, 
and Israel’s brother Cadwallader from Wisconsin. In 
1857 Owen Lovejoy came from Illinois, Eli Thayer from 
Massachusetts, L. Q. C. Lamar from Mississippi, Francis 
P. Blair, Jr., from Missouri, Edwin B. Morgan from New 
York, Zebulon B. Vance from North Carolina, Samuel S. 
Cox, George H. Pendleton, and Clement L. Vallandigham 
from Ohio, and Horace Maynard from Tennessee. In 1859 
he met John A. Logan of Illinois, William S. Holman of 
Indiana, Henry L. Dawes of Massachusetts and Roscoe 
Conkling of New York. 

His surroundings in Washington were pleasant. He 
attended the session of 1851 with his wife, who usually 
spent a large part of the winter with him in Washington. 
The first winter they lived at Mrs. Carter’s boarding 
house on Capitol Hill and formed a mess with six other 
Whig members, John Allison of Pennsylvania, who 
maintained his personal friendship with Washburn even 
after he left Congress in 1857 and who served in the Treas- 
ury Department as register in 1869, when Washburn was 
collector of the port of Portland; Thomas M. Howe, also 
of Pennsylvania, a Free-Soiler as well as a Whig; James 
H. Duncan and Zeno Scudder of Massachusetts, George G. 
King of Rhode Island, and James Meacham of Vermont. 
These messes, it should be remarked, often had political 


Israel Washburn, the Eldest Son 21 


significance and were the center of political activity. 
There could be no doubt of the attitude of the one which 
Washburn joined on this first service. The year 1851 
was the only one which he spent in a mess, however. 
Willard’s Hotel had been recently completed—one of the 
largest hotels in the country at the time—and there he 
spent the following winters except for the sessions of 1856 
and 1857 when he and his two brothers, Elihu and Cad- 
wallader, kept house at No. 29 Indiana Avenue, his wife 
presiding over the establishment. 

Among the important friendships which he formed, as 
the service in Washington progressed, was one for William 
H. Seward, whose follower he became. How intimate 
their relationship was is shown by the following letter: 


SEWARD TO WASHBURN 


Auburn, May 21st, 1860. 

My dear Washburn: Will you do me the favor to go to 
my home in F. Street, and send home to me here my ser- 
vants, John the waiter, and Louisa the cook. Pay them 
such money as they need, for the journey and otherwise. 
It will give you some trouble to get them through Baltimore 
since they are colored though free. 

Pray supply Nicholas the coachman and Charlotte the 
chambermaid with funds, for their need. All the servants 
can be trusted to fix the sums.they want. The two latter 
will remain at Washington. My family need the two 
former here. Please tell Nicholas and Charlotte that I 
shall return to Washington about the first of June, for the 
residue of the session. 

I am very sorry to impose this care upon you, but you 
are generous and affectionate. You may draw on me at 
sight here, or wait my return to Washington for the money 
you advance. I have instructed my Colleague, King, to 
pair me off, and telegraph me for any special vote. 

Always faithfully yours. 


22 Israel, Elihu and Cadwallader Washburn 


Soon after he came to Washington he formed the ac- 
quaintance of Gamaliel Bailey. He told how he made the 
acquaintance of the intrepid editor in December, 1851, 
when Fillmore was President, when no Northern Whig 
who was unwilling to submit to Southern opinion and 
dictation on the subject of slavery was regarded as of 
good standing in the party. He was impressed with 
Bailey’s convictions that a truly national organization 
based on dislike of slavery and opposition to its exten- 
sion, must be built up. “Other journalists and politicians 
were fighting slavery. Dr. Bailey fought it, too, but he did 
more—he told men how, and how only, they could fight 
it successfully.” The first issue of his paper, The Daily 
National Era, appeared January 1, 1854. It was dedicated 
simply to freedom and resistance to the slave power. It 
was a high-toned paper of good literary quality. John G. 
Whittier was associate editor and occasionally printed a 
poem init. On March 28, 1854, Bailey announced that the 
Whig party was no more, and from that time on urged the 
formation of a new party, which should be simply the 
Party of Freedom. Washburn liked the tone and temper 
of the paper, and it is probable that he himself contributed 
in its columns. 

Another editor with whom he formed intimate relations 
was Horace Greeley. A bond of sympathy was that both 
were Universalists. They were in political accord, but 
did not always agree on the question of the best methods to 
employ to accomplish their ends. 


FINDING HIS PLACE IN CONGRESS 


Israel Washburn’s first speech in Congress was made on 
January 2, 1852, the question being the manner of re- 
ceiving Louis Kossuth, the Hungarian patriot. That inter- 
esting character had come to the United States on the 
invitation of the government in an American man-of-war, 
and hoped to obtain moral and material aid for his 
country’s struggle for independence. His picturesque 
appearance and fervid eloquence had caught the popular 
fancy, and he was received with enthusiasm wherever he 
went. In those days the young country of freedom con- 
ceived itself to be charged with the mission of distributing 
the blessings of liberty and free government among less 
fortunate peoples of the earth. It had given moral aid to 
the South Americans in their revolt against Spain, to the 
Greeks in their struggle with Turkey, and now was ready 
to do a like service for Hungary, although not many of 
those who flocked to hear and applaud Kossuth had more 
than a vague idea of the facts of Hungary’s recent history. 
In the idea that it was our duty to concern ourselves with 
the liberties of mankind, Washburn participated. Of a 
revolutionary race, associated at home with old people who 
told anecdotes of the Revolution from personal knowledge, 
living in a community where foreigners rarely came and 
whence few of themselves travelled far, he and his neigh- 
bors never doubted that this country was a great and shin- 
ing beacon of hope to the benighted masses of other lands. 
He was in favor, therefore, of giving Kossuth extraordinary 
honors. When, however, the proposition that Congress 
should receive him in its halls came up for action, a debate 

23 


24 Israel, Elihu and Cadwallader Washburn 


arose which showed that one half of the country had 
developed a fear of liberty speeches unless qualified, and 
the other half was concentrated on seeking aid from any 
source to carry on the struggle for liberty at home. In 
the course of his tour Kossuth had been honored by a con- 
vention of Abolitionists in Pennsylvania, with an address 
which expressed the hope that freedom might soon pre- 
vail in the United States. It was proposed to amend the 
motion which was made in the House to receive him by 
adding an expression of disapproval of the Abolitionists’ 
sentiments, and saying that the House did not believe 
Kossuth had given sympathy to the Abolitionists, who 
had, while extending him a welcome, “expressed the hope 
that his herculean labors in this (freedom’s) behalf would 
conduce to the overthrow of oppression not in Hungary 
alone, but in the United States and throughout the world.”’ 
This amendment was defeated. 

Mr. Washburn moved to add this to the invitation to 
Kossuth:— 

“Provided, that nothing in this resolution shall be con- 
strued as impairing the effect, or questioning the policy of 
the measures passed by the last Congress, known as the 
compromise measures.” 

The proviso was far-fetched, but no more so than the 
motion it sought to displace, and if Democrats could 
seize the occasion to record their views, so might Whigs. 
Washburn’s motion having been ruled out as irrelevant 
he made a pro forma amendment in order to speak, and 
urged that all extraneous questions be dropped from the 
pending proposition, and that Kossuth be received with 
the hospitality and distinction becoming the occasion. 

A month later he had another chance to demonstrate his 
abounding optimism and faith in his country, when, on 


Israel Washburn, the Eldest Son 145 


March 2, 1852, he spoke for the project of government aid 
to the proposed European and North American Railway. 
It was his bill; the idea appealed to him in many ways and 
he never abandoned it. The project was to run a railway 
from New York to Halifax, or White Haven, Nova Scotia, 
where it would meet a steamship line for Galway, Ireland. 
Most of the road was already built, all except fifty miles 
from Waterville to Bangor, and eighty-five to one hundred 
miles to connect it with the New Brunswick road. New 
Brunswick would carry on the enterprise to the coast. 
Maine would build the connection between Waterville and 
Bangor, but $3,000,000 was wanted from the national 
government to run the tracks to New Brunswick. Wash- 
burn calculated that the new route would shorten the 
time of the voyage to Europe from seven days and fifteen 
hours to five days and five hours. 

Beside the great benefit which this country would 
derive from being brought into closer proximity to the 
old world he pictured the advantage to Ireland from the 
introduction of the American spirit of industry and im- 
provement and the benefit to all nations of more intimate 
knowledge of American institutions. This was the only 
important bill he introduced at that session. 

As a new member and one of the minority he was 
obliged to content himself with such committee assign- 
ments as the Speaker chose to give him. He was put on 
the Committee of Revised and Unfinished Business, but in 
the next Congress he went on the Select Committee on the 
Pacific Railway (probably because of his interest in rail- 
way projects, demonstrated in his advocacy of the Euro- 
pean and North American Railway). He was still serving 
on this committee when he left Congress in 1861. In 1853 
he served on the important Committee on Revolutionary 


26 Israel, Elihu and Cadwallader Washburn 


Pensions; and in the next Congress, being now one of the 
majority, he received the chairmanship of the Committee 
on Elections. He had served in a similar capacity in the 
House of Representatives of Maine. He was on the Com- 
mittee on Ways and Means in 1867 (and later chairman), 
up to the last year of his service. These details are evi- 
dence of the fact that, as his congressional service went on, 
he became one of the leaders of the House. 

But railways and contested elections were the unim- 
portant business of the House. The question of slavery 
extension soon arose to overshadow every other issue. 

On May 24, 1852, Washburn delivered his first long set 
speech. It took one hour in delivery. The subject in 
everybody’s mind at the time was the approaching presi- 
dential nominating conventions soon to be held in Bal- 
timore. The chief Democratic candidates were Cass, 
Buchanan, Douglas, and Marcy; but Franklin Pierce, 
whom nobody thought of for the nomination when Wash- 
burn spoke, was nominated. The chief Whigs in the public 
eye were Fillmore, the President, Scott, and Webster, and 
Scott was chosen. 

The subject of Washburn’s speech was “The Com- 
promise as a National Party Test.” He said that a ques- 
tion of vital interest to the Whig party was now claiming 
its decision. It was simply whether or not the principles 
of the party were to be abandoned and all questions subor- 
dinated to a new test which should make the reclamation 
of fugitive slaves in a particular manner and by a partic- 
ular law the leading idea of the party. He himself came 
from an extreme Northern state but he held no extreme 
views. Nevertheless, he utterly repudiated the demand 
made by certain men that a national party should declare 
the recognition of the fugitive slave law as a perpetuity 


Israel Washburn, the Eldest Son 27 


to be the great purpose of its existence. The idea of 
finality in regard to the details of any law was ridiculous. 
Resolutions could not make public sentiment nor stop its 
progress. The people of the North recognized that neither 
the general government nor the free states had anything 
to do with slavery in the states, and that they were bound, 
under the Constitution, to return fugitive slaves; but the 
present law was ugly and harsh in its provisions and 
Northern men did not like it. A law less obnoxious and 
equally effective and constitutional might be prepared by 
men who had a right to object to being cast out of the Whig 
party and gibbeted as enemies to the Constitution and the 
Union. He objected to the introduction of the com- 
promise articles into the Whig creed, because one law 
would then be made more sacred than other laws; because 
the proposition violated the theory of the right of presi- 
dential veto, by requiring that the candidate for the 
presidency should be pledged in advance to veto any law 
inconsistent with the compromise; because the proposi- 
tion bound only the North and not the South, the latter 
being privileged to change the compromise and the former 
pledged not to change it; because it would increase agita- 
tion and tend to form sectional parties. As for the Union, 
that must be maintained at all hazards. 

By this speech Washburn’s attitude was made clear. 
He wanted a national party. He was willing to give the 
South the rights it had under the Constitution; but he was 
not willing to pledge himself to make no change in an 
obnoxious fugitive slave law, nor to promise that the com- 
promise measures of 1850 should bind him forever. We 
see clearly that the more radical anti-slavery sentiments 
had already affected Whigs of his school, and that they 
were taking a more advanced position than they had taken 


28 Israel, Elihu and Cadwallader Washburn 


before. In the course of the speech he had a short colloquy 
with Alexander H. Stevens of Georgia in which he showed 
alertness in repartee. He quoted a remark of Stevens 
made in 1845 that he was no defender of slavery in the 
abstract, and Stevens objected to the quotation as being 
partial. He had said, he insisted, “‘that the subjection of 
the African to the white man, or African slavery, bore the 
impress of the Creator himself, and that wherever the 
African and the white races were found in the same pro- 
portions as they are in the South, the dependence of the 
inferior upon the superior race, or slavery, must exist.” 

Washburn replied: ““I would like to have the Gentleman 
make the discrimination. If he is opposed to all slavery 
in the abstract, how can he be in favor of African slavery 
in the concrete?”’ 

The platform actually adopted by the Whig conven- 
tion at Baltimore reflected Washburn’s contentions. It 
acquiesced in the compromise measures and deprecated 
further agitation of the questions, but required enforce- 
ment of the fugitive slave acts only “until time and 
experience shall demonstrate the necessity of further legis- 
lation.” It was half-hearted; the party was not united; 
General Scott went down in merited defeat, and Franklin 
Pierce was elected by a large majority. 


FOUNDING A PARTY 


Again there was a Northern man with Southern prin- 
ciples for President, and again the Northern Whigs found 
themselves in the power of the slave-holders of the South. 

In January, 1854, Stephen A. Douglas introduced in the 
Senate his bill for erecting the two territories of Kansas 
and Nebraska, allowing each to say whether it should or 
should not have slavery, thus destroying the old com- 
promise of 1821 for both were above the line marked for 
freedom. From this time on, the position of the Whigs of 
Washburn’s school was clear and well-defined. They were 
to fight, at every turn, the increasing demands of the slave 
power. It was useless to fight in Congress, however, with- 
out the support of an aroused constituency, and Washburn 
and his friends set themselves to the task of wakening the 
people to the danger that confronted them. Thomas M. 
Brewer, the Naturalist, editor of the Boston Atlas, wrote 
from Boston, February 7, 1854: 

You see I took the liberty to borrow some of your last 
letter to impress our readers with the general indignation 
at Washington. . . . I am greatly troubled at the apathy 
which prevails at the North, and at no place more than in 
this city. I am at times inclined to doubt whether Boston 


could be aroused even if the question involved the introduc- 
tion of slavery here in Massachusetts. 


From New Hampshire, however, he heard a more 
encouraging recital. Amos Tuck wrote from Exeter, 
March 18, 1854: 


Now let Frank Pierce consummate his treason, if he 


dare. There is a North, thank God! We have found out 
29 


30 Israel, Elihu and Cadwallader Washburn 


where, even the people of N. Hampshire had a heart and 
soul, stored away in a secret place under their waist- 
coats. .. . We have effected our object—rebuked treason, 
condemned the Nebraska Bill, and discarded the Presi- 
dent. Any amount of money asked for, was provided in all 
places in the state, and the extent of corruption was beyond 
all precedent—never before equaled in any part of the 
country, unless in some city hot hole of infection. The 
democratic loss was, by the desertion from their standard 
of their best men. I think they (the leaders) can never 
recover from the consequences of having tried to betray 
their country. . . . The Whigs and Free-Soilers are welded 
together in this state, and cannot again be separated. We 
feel that the way is open for emancipating our state, and 
bringing out in future the true characteristics of our people, 
so long belied by the most ieee demagogues that ever 
entered a free state. 
Pass this to your brother also. 


On April 7, 1854, Washburn delivered the most impor- 
tant and poignant speech that he had thus far made and in 
the large number of strong speeches made on both sides 
of the question, now before Congress, his was one of the 
most vital. 

He began by stating that the purpose of the Kansas- 
Nebraska bill was simply to extend the area of slavery, 
and then showed what a change had come over Southern 
sentiment, which in earlier days had regarded slavery as an 
evil which must ultimately be uprooted. He insisted that 
Congress could do what it chose with the territories and 
ridiculed the idea that “‘a tent full of hunters or outlaws 
or the first half dozen men who go in the Territory” could 
properly control its destiny. The project, too, required 
them to control it in favor of slavery. Suppose, he said, 
the people should choose to taboo slavery, the slave owner 
would deny the validity of the law and the Supreme Court 


Israel Washburn, the Eldest Son ot 


would decide that it was incompetent under the Con- 
stitution for a territorial legislature to pass any law pro- 
hibiting slavery. He pleaded for the observance of the 
Missouri Compromise. Concerning the bill, he said that 
the excitement which would follow its passage would 
increase; the North would not acquiesce in it, as in the 
Compromise of 1850. Up to the present time it had never 
been deeply and thoroughly stirred. “She had been in- 
fluenced by abstractions and sentiment, rather than by 
the power of direct interest.’ But if the bill passed she 
would become convinced of the aggressiveness of slavery; 
that it (slavery) knew no law and would keep no faith. 
She would then become united and arrayed in fierce and 
unrelenting opposition to the institution. If the great 
body of the Southern Whigs were determined to make a 
sectional issue of the question, then there was no national 
Whig party to be dissolved and the Northern Whigs must 
bid their former co-partisans a “long good night.” There 
would be a North, then, insisting upon “restriction in the 
Territories, non-intervention in the States.” 

All the efforts of the anti-slavery men were vain, and the 
Kansas-Nebraska bill, repealing the Missouri Compromise 
and throwing all the territories open to slave settlement so 
that the national power would be with the slave holding 
states, was signed by President Pierce, May 31, 1854. 

It had passed the House on May 8, and the day after 
Israel Washburn took the step which was probably the 
most important in his career as a public man. 

As we have seen he had formed a friendship with 
Gamaliel Bailey, who was persistently urging through the 
National Era that the advance of the slave interests could 
not be effectively checked by the Whig party. It was 
apparent that that party was really dead, although it 


a2 Israel, Elihu and Cadwallader Washburn 


knew it not; that many of the Whigs were lukewarm on the 
subject of slave extension; that many leaders of the party, 
desirous of having a Southern followihg, were willing to 
permit the South to have its own way; that in fact the 
party was not an anti-slavery party, and that actually 
such was the great need of the hour. Washburn’s speech 
of May 24, 1852, showed that he was even then willing to 
fall away from the Whig party if he could find another 
effective party organization to take its place. His speech 
of April 7, 1854, showed ah increased readiness. All 
political action with him meant party action. An idea 
was useless to him unless the means were provided for 
giving it effect. 

Two others of his friends in Washington were Thomas D. 
Eliot and Edward Dickinson, representatives from Mas- 
sachusetts, who boarded together at Mrs. Crutchett’s on 
the northwest corner of sixth and D streets. They, too, 
had discussed with Washburn and Bailey (and there must 
have been a number of others consulted) the project of 
forming a new party, having as its great central idea 
resistance to the slave power. A few hours after the 
Kansas-Nebraska bill passed the House, Washburn called 
a meeting of Anti-slavery members of the House, about 
thirty, Whigs, Democrats, and Free-Soilers, at the rooms of 
Thomas D. Eliot, who represented the New Bedford 
district of Massachusetts, and Dickinson, to concert 
action to resist the advance of slavery. There were a few 
Democrats asked and several Free-Soilers, but most of 
those concerned in the movement were Whigs. They met 
on the morning of May g. Bailey, it would appear, was 
the only outsider present. Washburn made an address 
and urged the formation of a new party to be dedicated to 
freedom—to the resistance of the slave power and the® ' 


Israel Washburn, the Eldest Son 33 


restriction of slave territory—and suggested that it be 
called the Republican party, “In which all men who 
thought alike on the vital question of the time,—that of 
slavery extension,—should act together.’”’ Some of the 
Whigs present were reluctant to abandon the name and 
party affiliations to which they had become attached by 
long-association and many political campaigns; but condi- 
tions had changed and a new issue of overwhelming im- 
portance confronted them, so they cast in their fortunes 
with the new organization. 

There has been dispute over the question of the time and 
place of the formation of the Republican party. Un- 
questionably Washburn’s meeting was not the first one at 
which the matter was discussed; but it is equally unques- 
tionable that it was the first meeting attended by national 
leaders whose determination was weighted with authority. 
Each man who attended it represented an important 
constituency and any recommendation he might make 
would influence many voters. 

Soon after the meeting was held Washburn went home 
and made a speech to his constituents at Bangor in which 
he described the necessity for a new alignment of parties 
in resisting the encroachments of the slave power and 
suggesting that the new party be called Republican, this 
being the first public suggestion of that name. 

Dr. Bailey, who had been so important a factor in found- 
ing the party, died in 1867, and in the Universalist Quar- 
terly for July, 1868, Washburn described the calling of the 
meeting and Bailey’s part in the movement. 

“No name,” he said, “connected with the anti-slavery 
movement in this country, will be permanently associated 
with that movement unless it shall be that of one who was 
a leader in some necessary work of preparation, or an 


34 Israel, Elihu and Cadwallader Washburn 


exponent of some special truth or idea, or the organizer 
of some timely and practical method, relating thereto, and 
indispensable to its success. 

“John Quincy Adams and Joshua R. Giddings did 
special and necessary pioneer work as champions of free 
discussion and the right of petition. Garrison, Sumner 
and Mrs. Stowe illustrated the essential barbarism of 
slavery. Fessenden and Chase demonstrated the power 
and duty of Congress to forbid its extension. Seward and 
Greeley (divided, as they have been, during these later 
years, in opinion and action) were apostles of the equal 
and indestructible rights of man. But ably and success- 
fully as these men (and others who acted with them) 
labored in their respective fields, a work more difficult, if 
not more important, than theirs, remained to be accom- 
plished,—the practical work, the work of organization. 
It was necessary that the people who had been convinced 
of the wrong and danger of slavery, acting as they were in 
different political parties to which they were strongly 
‘wedded, should be taken out of these organizations and 
brought together in a new one founded upon opposition to 
slavery. 

“The man who was to do this work, who was to combine 
and organize the scattered forces of anti-slavery opinion; 
in other words, the immediate founder of the Republican 
party, was Dr. Bailey.” | 

Dr. Bailey was a philanthropist and doctrinaire and also 
a sagacious statesman, and he saw earlier than most anti- 
slavery men the necessity of being practical. “Both 
parties aimed to be what was called national; and if 
Northern men endeavored to make the party to which they 
belonged to any extent anti-slavery, they were charged 
with attempting to make it anti-national,—it might be 


Israel Washburn, the Eldest Son 35 


Anti-Northern and yet national, but it could not be na- 
tional and Anti-Southern! In fine, the slave-holders 
furnished the principles and controlled the policy of both 
parties.” 

Later Dr. Bailey matured the plan and arranged the 
preliminaries for organizing the national Republican party. 
He drafted the call for the convention which met at 
Pittsburgh, February 22, 1856, when the party was for- 
mally organized. “Under the former methods of opposing 
slavery within the old parties, controlled as they were 
by the slavery influences, no advance had been made. On 
the contrary, freedom had been losing ground, from year 
to year, until at last it became a question whether she had 
any ground to stand on,—even in the States of the North. 
It was to Dr. Bailey more than to any other man that the 
country was indebted for the simple but invaluable in- 
struction, how Slavery could be checked and Freedom 
saved. The memory of this wise and good man should be 
enshrined in the hearts of all Republicans. Congress 
should erect his monument in the Capitol.” 

Washburn’s generosity in according the chief credit to 
Dr. Bailey does not alter the fact that Bailey acted with 
him; that the fateful meeting was called by him; that it 
was his position in the House which enabled him to give 
form and substance to Bailey’s project; that it was he who 
suggested the name for the new party. In a speech on 
January 10, 1859, he disclosed why the name Republican 
had been chosen. It was because the earliest party of the 
people, which Thomas Jefferson had founded, had borne 
that designation. Thus it was identified with the Declara- 
tion of Independence, with freedom and the equality of 
man. 


PROGRESS OF THE NEW PARTY 


Washburn and Bailey began a cooperation which bore 
fruit. Having undertaken a great work Washburn threw 
himself into it with energy. The following letter of 
Edward Kent reflects fairly well his own sentiments at 


this time. 
Bangor June 21 1854. 

My dear Sir: Our State Convention is, as you know on 
the 29th. What course will then be taken is somewhat 
doubtful—The strong and nearly unanimous opinion of 
the Whigs of this section, is in favor of, at once, openly 
declaring that whilst we hold fast to our opinions and in- 
tend to maintain them, when the actual situation of the 
country shall call for their defence or enforcement, we are 
satisfied the present crisis demands the united zealous 
and honest efforts of all opposed to the recent outrages 
involved in the Nebraska bill, and to the manifest schemes 
of the Southern leaders to extend the area of Slavery, 
indefinitely—by conquest, or purchase, or robbery . . .— 
to bend and prostitute all the power of the East and all the 
interests of the country, to advance... this single in- 
terest and institution, and to use the free States as con- 
venient auxiliaries in the work and to keep with us or cut 
us adrift hereafter, as their policy, their passions or their 
presumed strength may dictate and that in view of the 
momentous issue and the necessity of instant and united 
action to strike a blow that shall be felt, instead of beating 
the air, and making mere outcries—and knowing that a 
large and respectable portion of the former Democratic 
party in this State have with great independence... 
avowed their determined opposition to these schemes, and 
their purpose to labor for the repeal and for the restoration 
of the ancient landmarks and have in public meeting, 
placed themselves on the broad platform on which we 


36 


Israel Washburn, the Eldest Son 37 


stand, and avowed their willingness to act with all who 
agree with them in feeling and sentiment, and have placed 
in nomination a citizen who has openly declared his sen- 
timents in a clear and satisfactory manner, that we will 
make no nomination, but advise all Whigs to unite upon 
the true man already nominated and standing as a candi- 
date before the people.—And also advising to a similar 
union (not coalition) in elections for Congress and State 
and County officers. 

Our present plan is to go up to see the Whigs, the day 
before the Convention and have a free talk. We have 
sundry men who wish to be Candidates, and a portion of 
the sea board and Kennebeck etc., I suppose will be un- 
willing to agree to the omission of a nomination. But I 
think the feeling is growing stronger in favor of a fusion. 
Some of our people say we must wait for the great States 
to move. But our election is first and Maine, as in 1840 
and in 1848 did great service in moving early and decidedly. 
I am opposed to any half way measures. Either go in 
boldly or not at all. As for the Old Whig party, as an 
efficient actor in the future, the idea to me is simply child- 
ishly absurd— 

Clayton, Badger and Jones did the business for it—as 
Charles Lamb said about the oyster pie.—That secret 
caucus was the funeral of the National Whig party—or 
rather the choking and stabbing—preparatory to the 
funeral, on the last night of the Nebraska bill—when 
Judge Wade pronounced the funeral sermon a capital one. 
We may not and I think had better not be in a hurry to 
discard the name or to a certain extent the old organiza- 
tion—These will “subside” like Judge Weston’s cases, 
naturally and by degrees, to be revived if occasion offers. 

The question is what shall we do—The question is often 
asked what do our friends at Washington say? What says 
Gov. Seward, who by the way seems fast coming into 
favor with the old conservatives. His calm, quiet and yet 
faithful and earnest remonstrance in his last speech,—so 
free from clap trap and furious tirades and personal denun- 
ciations,—has given him a high position in the regard of 


38 


Israel, Elihu and Cadwallader Washburn 


cool, national and reflecting men of all parties. What says 
Pitt, (sometimes called Fessenden for shortness) ?—What 
Farley and Benson?—I think if the course indicated is 
taken Morrill can be elected over all others.—I see that the 
Whigs have called a convention in the Oxford District for 
the 30th of June.—It seems to me that this district must be 
yielded to the Democrats and especially if Cumberland is 
to have a Whig.—Ask Fessenden about this.—Write me. 


How strongly they felt is shown by a letter from J. Z. 


Goodrich, Stockbridge, July 15, 1854. 


There is an indescribable anxiety on the part of multi- 
tudes in the country lest the Tombs’ and Douglas’ pacifica- 
tion—(another term for permanently establishing slavery 
in Kansas)—bill shall be passed by the House. Perhaps 
I feel this anxiety more than many others, knowing as I do 
the means which have hitherto been so successfully re- 
sorted to, to pass measures of a kindred character through 
a closely divided House. But the anxiety is general... . 
Let me assure you that the Free States expect the true men 
of the House to prevent that bill by some means, and if 
necessary by every means within their reach under the rules 
of the House, from becoming a law. The great heart of the 
North will hold you justified, more than justified, in re- 
sorting to every measure known to the rules, and wear out 
the session and indeed the remainder of this Congress in 
keeping Frank Pierce’s fingers from that bill. As sure as 
that bill becomes a law at this session, Kansas will be in 
the Union before the 4th of March as a slave state. The 
next House will be more strongly fortified against the slave 
power, and knowing this the purpose is to use the present 
House. I do not ask it irreverently, and yet I ask, ‘Can 
any good come out of Nazareth?’ The fact that Douglas 
urges this bill is the best, the very best evidence you can have 
that it was conceived in mischief, and will bring forth, if 
adhered to, iniquity and nothing else. The fact that he 
says it is fair, is the very best evidence you can have that it 


Israel Washburn, the Eldest Son 39 


is not fair, but on the contrary a cheat, an abominable 
cheat and fraud. Stop it! Stop it! Stop it!!! 


Before quoting the following letter from Edward Kent 
the reader may be reminded that a ‘“‘doughface” was a 
weak Whig who was willing to be used by the Southern 
party, being as plastic as dough in their hands, and a 
“hunker” a conservative Whig disposed to ignore the 
changed issues which confronted him. At the time the 
letter was written a notable contest for the Speakership, 
which will be mentioned again, was in progress. 


Boston, Decr. 15th. (1855) 

Dear Washburn: We hope you will stick to Banks, until 
a final decision. I would not yield to the “doughfaces.” 
Better have Richardson, than show at the outset that the 
Anti-Nebraska and Anti Slavery extension party is defeated 
by being compelled to take an unsound or uncertain man. 
If you hold on you must elect Banks, or one “of the same 
sort.” You cannot too soon learn and act upon the certain 
fact, that nothing but the union of the elements of op- 
position, based upon the Slavery extension issue, can pre- 
vent the success of the Democracy. And if this Congress 
falters,—we can do nothing.—But do not try to conciliate 
doughfaces with frightened fawns. Take strong ground— 
but not too extended in particulars.—The nationality of 
Freedom and the sectionalism of Slavery—the doctrine 
in the Kane and Lemon cases—and the Nebraska bill are 
the true grounds—I think—. Above all stick to the Union 
and deny that we are dissolutionists. 

I go to Maine in a day or two—Again I say as well as I 
can in this dark room where I cannot see my lines—yield 
nothing to a desire to organize—or to conciliate old hunker- 
dom—“ Work and wait” even until the 4th of March if 
necessary. 


The relations of the writer of the next letter to Mr. 
Washburn require a word of explanation. James G. 


40 Israel, Elihu and Cadwallader Washburn 


Blaine was only twenty years old and still living in Penn- 
sylvania when Washburn was elected to Congress, and he 
did not move to Maine until 1854, after Washburn’s 
reélection. Washburn was, therefore, of a political genera- 
tion before him and never accepted his leadership; but 
Blaine was hardly settled in Maine before he began to use 
Washburn. The men were too unlike to be sympathetic; 
Washburn was a solid, hard-working man of sound knowl- 
edge and of rigid integrity, and Blaine was a man of 
feverish activity, of brilliancy, of knowledge gained 
hastily, and of easy political morals. As half owner 
and editor of the Kennebec Fournal at Augusta he was 
a politician almost from the day of his arrival in Maine; 
and within, two years we find him offering advice 
to Washburn although he was only twenty-six years old 
at the time. 


Augusta Jany, 17/56. 

Dear Sir: Have you one hundred men “good and true” 
voting for Banks? If so, and an organization is not effected 
in a few days, would it not be well for you to unite in an 
address to your constituents showing how the Richardson 
and Fuller men factiously prevent an organization by 
voting against the plurality rule? You are better prepared 
than I, to judge of the practicability and propriety of such 
a step but in the present temper of the public mind here, 
I think it would have a good effect— 

By our legislative proceedings you will have seen that 
Kansas has been on the carpet once.—We intend to give 
the subject “wholesome agitation” at the proper time.— 
Both wings of the Coalition are afraid of the question and 
will do all they can to prevent a direct vote. Morse bears 
himself very well and has no peer in the House— 

What do you think will be done with the application of 
Kansas? The Coalition here are absolutely building all 
their hopes on her admission as a State this winter. That 


Israel Washburn, the Eldest Son 4l 


out of the way, they think they can rush Buchanan over 
the course without difficulty. ... 


The following letter relates to plans for nominating a 
Republican candidate for the Presidency; but the spurious 
letter of Frémont to which Mr. Blaine alludes has not been 
found. It does not appear to have been printed. 


Augusta Feb. 12/56. 

My Dear Sir: Is the movement for Frémont well thought 
of at Washington? 

We have discussed it here for the past three or four 
weeks. I have never seen anything take so well. Unless 
something very unforeseen should occur, you may rest 
assured there is no man of all those who have been named 
for the nomination, who would make such a run in Maine. 
It is perfectly idle (in my opinion) to think of taking 
Seward or Chase.—We should be run under so far that we 
would never rise to the surface again.—The popular mind 
is just prepared for such a man as Frémont and [ think 
if no mistakes be made between this time and his formal 
“trotting out,” he would be formidable against the pro- 
slaveryites—especially if the Anti-Nebraska Know Noth- 
ing element could be well pleased with one of their men 
associated on the ticket for V. Presd. How would Pollock 
of Penna. do?! 

I enclose a copy of a letter written by Frémont during 
the past autumn. You will please exhibit it only to those 
who are admitted to the “third degree” of Republicanism, 
as I obtained it under that confidence, tho you may have 
already seen a copy from the same source. 

The letter as a whole would not do for publication, but 
you will observe that he avows sentiments which could be 
judiciously re-wrought into a popular and telling letter at 
the right time. The part on 3rd and 4th pages which I have 
included between ... would answer capitally well for 


1James Pollock, then governor of Pennsylvania, having been elected as a 
Union-Republican. 


42 


Israel, Elihu and Cadwallader Washburn 


publication at any time, though the allusion to the “aboli- 
tionists” (underscored) had as well be left out in the New 
England edition—I hope however that nothing will be 
published from him for some time yet— 

I don’t know how many of our delegates will go to 
Pittsburgh though I understand that there will perhaps be . 
four or five, Morrill probably among them. Urge Weston 
to go and if you can, go with him yourself and keep things 
straight—I have some fear that too many radicals will 
find their way in and press some resolution upon the con- 
vention which would be illtimed and prove permanently 
injurious.—Weston’s cool discriminating head would do 
good service and you must go along if you can.—You could 
then sound the delegates on the Frémont question and let 
us know whether to pin our faith on him or not.— 

Our State politics are dull—giving no signs to reckon 
by.—So far as we can judge however Republican stock is 
on the rise—assuredly it is not falling—the election of 
Banks did us immense good and helped all you Repre- 
sentatives amazingly—The enemy have appeared crest- 
fallen ever since the result was known. 

I should be glad to hear from you at your earliest leisure— 
particularly with regard to Frémont, for many of our lead- 
ing men in this State are disposed to push his name for- 
ward with energy— 

Will Buchanan win at Cincinnati? or will not Pierce and 
he mutually kill each other and give way to Cobb or Hunter 
or Rusk or some one still less prominent—We figure that 
way just now. 

In haste 
Very truly yours. 

Judge McLean’s name has been mentioned I see for the 
Presidency—It wont take well here—his fugitive slave law 
decisions would kill him.— 


The Morrill to whom allusion is made in this letter was 


Anson Peaslee Morrill, a Free-Soiler and Prohibitionist, 
the first Republican governor of Maine, a brother of Lot 
Myrick Morrill, afterwards Secretary of the Treasury and 


Israel Washburn, the Eldest Son 43 


senator from Maine. He was not a delegate to the first 
Republican convention at Pittsburg, but George M. 
Weston was. Both Morrill and Weston were delegates to 
the second convention at Philadelphia, June 17, 1856, 
when Frémont and Dayton were nominated, but Wash- 
burn was not a delegate to either convention. 


BLAINE TO WASHBURN 


Augusta Me. Feb. 21/56 

I have this moment learned that the Fremont letter of 
which I forwarded you a copy some days since is a sham— 
The game was played on the folks of the Portland Ad- 
vertiser who transmitted me a copy in perfect good faith— 
thinking it genuine—Unless I am much mistaken from 
information derived through another channel I take 
Frémont to be even more thoroughly a Republican than the 
tone of that bogus letter would indicate.— 

You Reps in Washington who have so large an influence 
in controlling Presidential nominations must not strand 
us by attempting to run Seward or Chase—It would run us 
under I am sure, especially in the event of the Dem’s 
putting forward a man of the Buchanan conservative 
stripe—Straight whigs in this State such as Getchell and 
Rowell of Somerset would I feel confident, go with us on 
Frémont—on Seward they would not, and are quite bold 
to say so in public and private.-—We must link that element 
with us and destroy the cry of sectionalism else we are 
beaten to death even in Maine.—With good nominations 
and judicious working we can carry the State though in. 
my judgment not with that ease which some of our over 
sanguine friends boast of.—I will write you my views of 
this at length when I have leisure and give them to you for 
what they are worth. 

I hope the proceedings at Pittsburg may be guided with 
wisdom and I shall be much pleased to hear that you are 
there— 

Please destroy the Frémont letter— 
In haste. 


A4 Israel, Elihu and Cadwallader Washburn 


BLAINE TO WASHBURN 


Augusta Feb. 22, 56. 

You will have learned that the Frémont hoax is known 
to us. We were of course glad to know the letter was 
spurious, setting no high estimate upon it, and plainly see- 
ing as I expressed to you the damage its publication would 
create. 

I have no doubt it was concocted by those who are de- 
sirous of killing off Fremont. I think the same with 
regard to the Catholic story to which you allude. Frémont’s 
name evidently shows that he is of French descent and as 
the Carolinas had large colonies of French Huguenots 
among their early settlers I doubt not he springs from them. 
If so he would be far enough from “Catholicism,” to sat- 
isfy the most cordial hater of the Pope. Can you not find 
this matter out and write me in regard to it definitely and 
satisfactorily? I do not wish to give Frémont up. 

Banks would run better out of New England than at 
home—I do not think he stands high in this state nor in 
Mass.—Such papers as the Boston Chronicle, Worcester 
and Providence (R.I.) Journals and others of decided char- 
acter and ability would oppose him bitterly, while for 
Frémont they would go it with a rush. Banks has the 
character of an “artful dodger” in politics and I do not 
think he would prove available as'a Presdt. candidate— 

What effect is the “dodge” at Phila. going to have on 
our prospects? I am afraid they will cheat a large number 
of honest Anti-Neb’ska men with their say-nothing plat- 
form.—If we find it impossible to concentrate on the 
Presidency with a hope of success, we must take such a 
course as will save our state and our districts. We must 
not prove worse than heathen by neglecting to provide for 
our own households. .. . 

I think the Radicals however are a Jittle ahead just now. 


On March 24 the New York Tribune printed an editorial 
on Maine politics entitled, ‘The Straight Whigs.” It 


Israel Washburn, the Eldest Son 45 


explained that they were a faction which talked of Whig 
principles but voted in such a way as to subserve the 
purposes of the Nebraska Democracy. In Maine the 
Straight Whigs were led by George Evans, the attorney 
general, and William George Crosby, for two years gover- 
nor of the state. Then followed a letter dated Belfast, 
December 18, 1852, from Crosby to Stephen Stark at 
Waterville, proposing a covert cooperation in the legisla- 
ture between the Straight Whigs and the Democrats. 
The origin of the letter is explained by the following: 


BLAINE TO WASHBURN 


Augusta March 18, ’50. 

I send herewith a communication for the N. Y. Tribune 
which I wish you to hand to Mr. Greeley for insertion at 
the earliest practicable moment. It contains the famous 
Crosby letter which you have perhaps seen and a consul- 
tation of our best advisers yesterday P. M. resulted in the 
conclusion that it was best to bring the letter out in the 
Tribune in the first place—One weighty reason for this is 
the fact that all our papers here feel a reluctance to take 
the lead in the matter and lay themselves liable to all kinds 
of cross questioning as to how they came in possession of a 
confidential letter. Nobody however would ever think 
of questioning the Tribune, for it is more than a news- 
paper—it is a distinct Northern institut1on—Another reason 
is that we wish to avail ourselves of the 8000 circulation 
which the Tribune has in Maine to give the letter wide 
distribution at this time. After it is once out all our papers 
here will ring the changes on it throughout the campaign. 
As I was only allowed a part of last evening to write the 
communication I had not time to make it short and had to 
run over it as rapidly as possible. It contains however the 
material explanations and is satisfactory to our friends 
here. If Greeley objects to the length, tell him he must 
favor us this time—Its publication just now is of the greatest 
consequence to us and will do more to break down straight 


46 


Israel, Elihu and Cadwallader Washburn 


Whiggery than all the influences we have yet brought to 
bear—(I mean the publication of the letter, not my com- 
ments.) It is very evident that the Straights are preparing 
to reenact their game of last year and this Crosby letter 
will open the eyes of many who might otherwise be lead 
astray. 

This letter will reach you on Monday the 2oth,—If you 
can see Greeley the same day and have him send it right 
back to New York so as to be inserted in Tribune of Monday 
next, 24th, it will suit us exactly—Let it be published by the 
25th, at all events. We want it here without fail before the 
Legislature adjourns, and it is quite possible they may adjn. 
on the 29th, or 31st. Morse will probably make a sharp 
speech with the letter as a basis if it reaches us in time. We 
shall most likely have some sport on the Kansas motion 
when the final action comes. 

You need have no fear about the genuineness of the 
Crosby letter. The original is carefully filed by one who has 
a deep interest in preserving it. If Noah Smith is in Wash- 
ington do not say a word to him about this article and please 
never mention to any one that I have any connection with 
it. You can vouch to Greeley that it comes from a respon- 
sible source. 

I have dated the communication W........ the 
public can guess between Winthrop, Winston, Windsor, 
and Waterville. The last will probably be settled on as it 
was Stark’s residence.— 

Should Greeley not be in Washington when this reaches 
you please forward to New York. We would not miss hav- 
ing it published by Tuesday next for $500.— 

The Mongrels are in a deal of trouble on the Liquor bill 
and they cannot move on any question without aiding us— 
They have given up the idea of addressing Davis off the 
Bench and are now caucusing over the propriety of sub- 
mitting questions to the Court. They see that the matter 
will inevitably go there and they wish to prevent the case 
being argued by our best lawyers. Should they submit 
questions it would be a pointed rebuke to Wells’ whole 
course of proceedings. We are anxious for them to do it. 


Israel Washburn, the Eldest Son 47 


Matters look well everywhere, though we must not relax 
an effort.—Their struggle will be a desperate one—Weston’s 
20,000 majority is “in my eye and Betty Martin’s.” If we 
get 5000 we shall have accomplished a noble work. I have 
not time to write you any political news at length but will 
soon— 

Meantime and always shall be glad to hear from you. 

In grt. haste 
Write me if Greeley will publish. 


BLAINE TO WASHBURN 


Augusta March 26/56 

My Dear Sir: The “Tribune” madea miserable “botch”’ 
of my communication as you will have seen. In attempting 
to editorialize it, they have made so many bungling errors 
as to destroy all its effect and really to do harm rather than 
good. Had the communication been inserted as I sent, it 
would have been copied into every Republican paper in the 
State and would have done good. There were many plain 
truths set forth in it, that we are reluctant to speak of in 
our editorial columns but which we should have been glad 
to copy from the Tribune. 

This is the third effort that I know of being made within 
the year to get something inserted in the Tribune which 
would benefit our Maine politics but in every instance have 
we failed. Considering that the paper is taken by 8000 
Republicans of this State, I think it rather hard that we 
cannot be favored occasionally by a share of its columns. 
I wish if good opportunity presents you would put these 
facts to Greeley— 

Judge Davis’s hearing will come off on the 4th of April. 
There will be immense excitement attending it. Choate, 
R. H. Dana and H. W. Paine have all been engaged as 
counsel and will positively be present. It is said today, 
though I scarcely believe it, that Geo. Evans has signified 
his willingness to be joined with them should his services 
be desired. He is quite outspoken in his denunciation of the 
proceeding—in his own language as it has been reported to 
me “it is damnable’”—The wonder here is that the coali- 


48 


Israel, Elihu and Cadwallader Washburn 


tion ever resolved to venture on so bold and wild a step. 
However, “Quem Deus vult perdere prius dementat”—The 
Liquor bill is now being discussed—with strong probabil- 
ities that by a disagreement between Senate and House 
the law of ’55 will remain unrepealed—The Senate under 
Farley’s lead goes for free rum—the House will not consent 
to it—many of their members in that branch being held in 
righteous awe by Maine Law Constituencies. 

We are delighted over your Kansas triumph and I am 
rejoiced today to see that Campbell ! has declined to serve 
on the Com’tee—I am glad that Banks was firm enough not 
to appoint D——I feel sure he would have betrayed us and 
I have not much more confidence in L. D. C.— 

We shall keep our columns judiciously non committal 
in regard to a Presidential candidate though we squint 
at Frémont by publishing complimentary allusions to him 
etc. He seems to take well in Maine though I often doubt 
if he be heavy enough to make the run. He would make an 
admirable Vice, should the ticket be headed by a man of 
Whig antecedents as it probably may be—Judging from the 
tone of the Pittsburg Gazette and other Pennsylvania 
exchanges, Judge McLean seems to be coming up in that 
quarter.—My own opinion is that he is politically passée— 
though he might run well.—I am looking with interest for 
the result of the doings in Penna. State Convention held 
today—much depends on the spirit manifested there by the 
conflicting elements of the opposition— 

In grt haste 
Yours truly. 


BLAINE TO WASHBURN 


Augusta Maine, April 2d—56. 
My dear Sir: Much obliged for your two last favors— 
The Crosby letter is doing its work very well without the 
accompanying comments omitted by the Tribune—The 
Straights wince under it terribly— 


' Lewis D. Campbell, of Ohio, a Whig, afterwards Minister to Mexico under 
Andrew Johnson. 


Israel Washburn, the Eldest Son 49 


Davis’s hearing will commence on Friday . . . —His 
counsel will be Choate, Paine and Dana—Evans was un- 
willing when it came to the “Scratch” to take a part, tho 
he is quite outspoken I understand, in condemnation of the 
procedure.—He thought his position of Atty. General 
rendered it improper that he should assume an attitude of 
hostility to the Administration of which he is a component 
part. I have little confidence in him anyway and tho IJ shld. 
have been glad to see him used for the benefit of our side, I 
do not much regret his (declension) — 

I agree with you entirely in regard to the impolicy of 
running Davis for Gov. I have tried to impress my views 
upon some of our friends here who seem disposed to have 
him nominated—It would as you say be transferring the 
contest from Kansas to Wells and Davis and would be the 
exact issue which the Coalitionists would desire above all 
other things—I hope you will all at Washington protest 
against it and nip the movement in the bud. We havea 
great many men in our party who go off half cocked—fellows 
that are “gude nough but more hasty than wise’’—They 
must be made to ride in the rear car instead of on the engine 
or else we are in constant danger of being thrown from the 
track. 

I happened to be in the back room of our P. O. last evng. 
when the mail was brought in. Among the bags destined 
for the Eastern part of the State was an enormous canvas 
holding five or six bushels and completely filled to the 
mouth with documents franked by T. J. D. Fuller + for the 
6th dist. I think Douglas’ report on Kansas was the article 
but I could not tell. I was dreadfully tempted to steal one 
to find out what it might be. They are throwing a prodi- 
gious quantity of documents in to the State and intend to 
fight us to the death. As soon as the Legislature adjourns 
we shall arrange for Benson’s” flooding the Kennebec 
District with the right kind of matter—B. does not send in 
the Globe—He did last winter but why not this winter I do 


1A Democrat member from Maine. 
2 Samuel P. Benson, a Republican member from Maine. 


5° 


Israel, Elihu and Cadwallader Washburn 


not know. I wish he would, but dont tell him I said so. 
Dont you do it for you have enough to do to take care of yr 
own district— 

Leonard Jones—Eaton of Plymouth, Blake and Cutter 
of Bangor and numerous other Coalitionists from that re- 
gion with whom I talk, make great boasts of how they are 
going to beat you in September—I cant get them to say 
who they are going to run against you tho perhaps you can 
guess yourself—“forewarned is forearmed’”’ remember. 

We shall rely upon you Reps to force Hamlin in to the 
field as Gub. candidate. From conversations I have had 
this winter with men from every county and Rep. Dist., in 
the State I am convinced that he will poll six or eight 
thousand votes more than any other man. There are Dems. 
not in the Legislature who will support him. The worst 
of it is that if H. declines, we shall have a lot of Richmonds 
in the field—such as Jno. M. Wood—Belcher, Muzzy, 
Morse, Franklin Clark, Knowlton, Downs, Mel. Weston, 
Noah Smith, Coburn and God knows how many more. 
Hamlin must run, it is absolutely essential that he should 
in order to consolidate the party—He would aid you in yr 
congressional canvass immensely. 


AS A LEADER OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY 


The first important national victory won by the Republi- 
can party was in the election of Nathaniel P. Banks to 
Speaker of the House of Representatives in 1855. The 
contest for the speakership lasted two months. None of 
the candidates was able to obtain a majority of votes, and 
Banks’ election was finally accomplished on the 133d ballot 
after an agreement had been reached by which a plurality of 
the votes were deemed sufficient toelect. Banks had been 
elected to Congress in 1853 as a Democrat, codperating 
with the Free-Soil party; but his next election was by the 
Know-Nothings. Whatever else he was, he was an anti- 
slavery man and for that reason the new Republicans 
rallied to him. His chief opponent was William A. 
Richardson of Illinois, a Democrat, and, of course, a 
Nebraska man, whose chief support was from the South, 
but he had a few votes from Northern Whigs who followed 
the Southern leaders—the “doughfaces.” It was plain 
that the old Whig party was breaking up. Washburn had 
been one of the effective supporters of Banks, and being, 
for the first time in his congressional service, on the win- 
ning side it was then he was made chairman of the Com- 
mittee on Elections. 

On March 14, 1856, he made an important speech on the 
Kansas contested election case. It was strong, partisan, 
adroit and effective. 

“Mr. Speaker,” he said, “for the sake of slavery, 

solemn compacts of long standing, deliberately entered 

into, and with mutual considerations, have been destroyed; 

principles of faith and honor have been cast away like 
sI 


52 Israel, Elihu and Cadwallader Washburn 


worthless weeds, . . . . and, as if these things were not 
enough, we are now told that the instruments of this 
sectional interest, its gangs and invading armies, may enter 
and seize upon our infant Territories, our own Territories, 
under the immediate and special protection of the General 
Government—Subjugate the people rightfully there, 
make laws and elect Delegates for them... . 

“Slavery, in its claims and demands of to-day, is so 
much greater and better than anything else, nay, than all 
things else, that to protect and strengthen it, is held to 
justify the destruction of whatever stands in its way... . 
Laws are set aside, and compromises violated for its sake, 
and nothing is held sacred against its assaults. . . . All 
memories and hopes, all possessions and rights, the Con- 
stitution, the Union, the living Gospel of peace on earth 
and good will to men are but flax and stubble, when ex- 
posed to the consuming flame of this insatiate and in- 
exorable system.” 

This was the main argument. It was a terrific and un- 
answerable attack on the slave party. 

Two months later, June 21, he spoke again on the same 
subject, the speech being one of the most important and 
powerful compositions that ever fell from his pen. 

“In this year, 1856, a great moral and political battle is 
to be fought. It is the old quarrel—the strife of centuries 
and continents—but one of its decisive conflicts is here and 
now impending. As it shall be decided, so will run the 
history of America and mankind for ages.” Taking up the 
recently announced doctrine that slavery was “‘ founded in 
truth and justice” he denounced it with withering indigna- 
tion. The ultimate purpose of the slave power was to 
make slavery national; its avowed purpose was to dis- 
solve the Union if slavery was restricted to the old limits 


Israel Washburn, the Eldest Son 53 


prescribed for by the Missouri Compromise. The ad- 
vocates of freedom must rally against Pierce and Buchanan 
and elect John C. Frémont, recently nominated for the 
Presidency by the Republican party. 

Washburn himself had accepted Frémont willingly, but 
his preference had been for Judge John McLean, whose 
dissenting opinion in the Dred Scott case had been such 
an able denunciation of slavery that it had given him a 
high position with the new party. Greeley wrote to Wash- 
burn from New York, June 13, 1856: 


I shall go for Judge McLean with great heartiness should 
he be the nominee. At the same time, I prefer a Democrat 
and a young man to run against old Buck. I admit that 
Pennsylvania makes a strong appeal for the Judge. But 
Wilmot is not for him, and all our old earnest anti-slavery 
men dislike him. Come over to Phila. and answer us. 


However, the nomination having been made, Greeley 
accepted it and worked valiantly for Frémont’s election. 


He thought Washburn could help him: 


GREELEY TO WASHBURN 


New York September 15, ’56 

Friend W.: I presume you don’t speak to common folks 
now a days but consider: 

Gov. Hamlin could help us in New Jersey and Penn- 
sylvania just now. Both states are—in spite of all you 
hear—doubtful; New Jersey even hard to carry, though I 
think we shall do it. Now can’t you and the Governor 
come down and stump a few weeks in these two states? 
You will do great good if you will, even allowing that you 
make no better speeches than the rest of us. It also happens 
that the simple word Maine goes a great way towards 
exciting enthusiasm just at present. 

I do hope you may come. 


54 Israel, Elihu and Cadwallader Washburn 


A Democrat was elected President again. 

When the last Congress before the Civil War came to- 
gether, Washburn’s prestige had been greatly enhanced 
by the success of his party in Maine. He was still coop- 
erating in a general way with Mr. Blaine; but if he did not 
form a high opinion of the rising young editor he had 
reason. The session had hardly begun when he received 
the following communication: 


Advertiser Office 
Portland, Dec. 16, 1857 

My dear Sir: I have learned recently that the young 
man from Somerset for whom you procured a cadet’s 
commission at West Point is either about to resign or has 
already done so—I write you to know if there is any way by 
which you could give the successorship to a young friend in 
whom I am interested—a nephew of my wife’s?—I am 
willing to do anything to secure the place for him either 
in the way of buying off all rivals at any reasonable price 
or complying with any conditions that may possibly be 
linked with success—the young lad spent nearly the whole 
of the past summer and autumn at the house of Samuel 
Cole in Greenville, Piscataquis County—pursuing his 
studies and hunting and fishing at Moosehead. He is 
therefore a quasi if not an entirely dona fide resident of 
your district. With any prospect of procuring the commis- 
sion he would return to Greenville and remain until June 
next, when he would proceed to the “ Point””—His appoint- 
ment would therefore be entirely regular 7m form and would 
be more consonant with the spirit of the law than one half 
that are made—If you have already promised the place to 
some other person who would be willing to yield his chance 
for a matter of three or four hundred dollars I would be very 
glad to pay that sum, provided there would be no appear- 
ance of impropriety in the transaction. Of that you would 
be a better judge, or at least have a better standpoint for 
judging, than myself. Will you please write me in regard 
to the matter? I need not express to you the obligation 


Israel Washburn, the Eldest Son 55 


I will be under to you if you can favor me in the way I de- 
sire, nor need I assure you that every opportunity to 
reciprocate, personally and politically, will be joyfully and 
eagerly improved by me. 

How beautifully political affairs are working! The 
crime of 1834 is returning to plague its inventors with fear- 
ful force— 

Hoping to hear from you soon 
I remain in haste 
Very truly yours. 


This is a remarkable letter which it is difficult to analyze 
or characterize. His wife’s nephew was not really a 
resident of Washburn’s district and consequently not 
eligible for nomination for West Point by Washburn, but 
this difficulty was to be overcome by residence after 
nomination. No unlawful proposition was made, except 
perhaps that of construction of the nephew’s residence. 
No dishonest suggestion was made, yet one cannot help 
wondering what manner of boy Blaine supposed was 
trying to enter the army from Washburn’s district that 
he could be induced to exchange his military aspirations 
for a few hundred dollars in hand. 

He was willing to pay the boy or boys with money if 
they would retire, and he offered to pay Mr. Washburn 
for the appointment by personal and political services. 
It cannot be denied that the letter leaves on the reader’s 
mind an ugly impression of Mr. Blaine. Mrs. Blaine’s 
nephew was not nominated for West Point by Washburn. 

The next great speech made by Washburn in the House 
_ was that of January 7, 1858, on Kansas and the Lecompton 
constitution. The act of May 30, 1854, he said, repealing 
the Missouri Compromise, provided that slavery should 
not be legislated into, nor excluded from any territory, but 
the people be left free to form and regulate their domestic 


56 Israel, Elihu and Cadwallader Washburn 


institutions in their own way, subject only to the Constitu- 
tion of the United States. The advocates of slavery would 
not let Kansas regulate its institutions in its own way, but 
filled the territory with ruffians from Missouri who were 
determined to fasten slavery upon the state. The con- 
vention, assembled at Lecompton, was composed only of 
some delegates from the territory; by complicity and fraud 
half the territory was not represented. The constitution 
which it put forth was a monster of iniquity, because it 
provided not only for slavery but that never should any 
“alteration be made to affect the rights of property in the 
ownership of slaves.”’ It would be unchangeable except by 
revolution. There was a seeming but false submission of 
the slavery question to the people. They might vote for 
slavery or they might vote that no more slaves be admitted 
into the state;—that is, that slave-breeding within the 
state should have the advantage of absolute protection 
against outside competition. It was not submitted to the 
people for ratification, but it was proposed in voting for or 
against it, that every voter must take an oath “to support 
this Constitution, if adopted, under the penalties of per- 
jury under the Territorial laws.” 

The speech made a deep impression. 

When J. N. Stearns and Co., a firm of publishers in 
New York, wrote to him on the subject of a publication 
they were sending him they said: 


New York—Mar. 13th, 1858. 
Permit us to add that we have felt our hearts warm 
within us when we have seen that you in connection with 
other true men from the North have stood up for the prin- 
ciples of Eternal Justice— 
Votes for the right in Congress and Revolvers (etc) for 
Kansas—and God bless the right. 


Israel Washburn, the Eldest Son $7 


An occasional copy of speeches would be acceptable 
to us as our Congressmen are all on the wrong side—would 
be acceptable though we do not expect you will neglect 
your own constituents for us. 

Yours truly. 


He had a simple plan for dealing with the Kansas ques- 
tion. It was to vote and endeavor to make others vote 
against the Lecompton constitution and to resist every 
proposition to make Kansas a slave state. Greeley urged 
a more complicated course, but Washburn did not ap- 
prove it. 


New York Nov. ’18, 58 

My dear Sir: Thank you for yours. I want to make 
myself a little clearer. 

All great battles are won by the help of some who have 
to help, but are indifferent or hostile to success. So in 
the present case. Well: what I propose is that you should 
have an understanding with the South Americans and 
others who must vote for Lecompton, that, while they vote 
against you on the Main Question, they shall vote against 
the Previous Question and all manner of mob judgments, 
assuming the post of moderators and insisting on fair play. 
You know they don’t care for Lecompton; they only want 
to stand right on the record. Well, they can vote to give 
the subject a good ventilation by debate, amendments, 
etc., and finally vote with Stephens and M. on the Main 
Question, after having first compelled the Northern sup- 
porters of the bill to kill themselves by their votes on 
amendments; then to kill the bill. It will be easy for 
Humphrey Marshall to make an amendment that will 
carry, yet which, being adopted, will leave the bill a doomed 
wreck. Think of this. 

‘Depend on it, strong efforts and representations will 
secure half a dozen votes against the Previous Question, 
etc. which must be given against us in the Main Question. 

Yours 


58 Israel, Elihu and Cadwallader Washburn 


On January 10, 1859, Washburn made another impor- 
tant speech in Congress. 

He took the floor, he said, for the purpose of presenting 
some thoughts concerning the Republican party. Two 
ideas were represented by the parties; one democratic, the 
other aristocratic. The former rested upon the Declara- 
tion of Independence proclaiming the equality of man and 
that governments derived their just powers from the con- 
sent of the governed. The aristocratic principle was 
expressed in the Lecompton constitution. “The right of 
property is before and higher than any constitutional 
sanction; and the right of the owner of a slave to such 
slave and its increase is the same, and as inviolable, as the 
right of the owner of any property whatever.” The so- 
called Democratic party was the representative of this 
constitution; the Republican party drew its inspiration 
from the Declaration of Independence. The business of 
the Democratic party was to consolidate an oligarchy in 
the United States and make it perpetual; of the Republican 
party, to secure blessings of liberty and to each state a 
Republican form of government (quoting the Declaration 
and the Constitution). The vital, central issue of the day 
was, “Shall this government be a Republic or an Ohi- 
garchy?”” The Democratic party was the Southern and 
the slaveholder’s party. Its policy was directed by slave- 
holders. They nominated its candidates for the Pres- 
idency. They prescribed the issues. The President had 
recently said that the Supreme Court had decided that all 
Americans had an equal right to take their property into 
the territories under the guardianship of the Constitution. 
The Constitution of Kansas made at Lecompton had de- 
clared that “The right of property is before and higher 
than any constitutional sanction,” and on this constitu- 


Israel Washburn, the Eldest Son 59 


tion the Democratic party stood! Its object was not only 
to secure another slave state, but a recognition of the 
doctrine set forth in the Lecompton constitution, thus 
revolutionizing the government. If that constitution was 
true then slavery was founded in natural law, and there- 
fore a God-given right. If this dogma was true in Kansas, 
it was true in Maine. 

The Republican party had been called into existence 
when it became apparent that the Democratic party had 
been subsidized by the slaveholders. It had been called 
Republican because it had an odor of genuine nationality, 
because that was the name which the author of the Dec- 
laration of Independence and the father of the Constitu- 
tion chose to be known by. It had been successful in the 
elections of eleven of the free states. That it had not been 
successful in every free state east of the Rocky Mountains 
was because some of its friends had been unwilling to 
stand on their own principles and had sought alliances and 
coalitions with bodies of men whose principles were not 
the same as their own, but thought to gain something by 
trading principles for voters and ideas for allies. Such a 
policy could not and ought not to win. The Republican 
party had presented issues stronger than had ever been 
given to the country before. It must have faith in itself. 
The Whig party had perished because it was too much a 
party of expedients and circumstances. 

Congress had complete power over the territories. It 
was not true that the Supreme Court in the Dred Scott 
decision had decided that Congress had no power to 
prohibit slavery in a territory. The opinions of seven 
slave-holding judges on this point were mere oditer dicta 
and not binding. Even if they were opinions on subjects 
before the Court, they would not be binding upon the 


60 Israel, Elihu and Cadwallader Washburn 


Congress or the people. The people were the source of 
power and the ultimate judges on all political questions. 
If there existed any man, or number of men who were 
authorized to decide political questions, and from whose 
decision there was no appeal, then there was a despotism 
and it mattered not whether we had one despot or nine, 
whether we had a king, a directory or asupreme court. He 
would have Congress on every available occasion assert 
and exercise the power to legislate for the territories and 
for the prohibition of slavery in the territories. This should 
be done so that there would be no presumptions against 
the right from non-use. 

The Republican party did not stop with the assertion 
that Congress ought to intervene to keep slavery out of 
the territories. It also maintained that whenever an act 
of Congress could not do it, the people of the territory 
should be permitted to do it by legislative authority. It 
would not leave to the popular sovereignty the power to 
introduce “‘an undoubted evil into a territory or commit 
an acknowledged crime when it can legally prevent it.” 
He would not say to the people of a territory: “Slavery is 
a great wrong; it will be an everlasting curse to you if you 
have it; we can keep it from your midst if we will, but we 
choose not to do so, in order that you may have an oppor- 
tunity to reject it if that shall be your pleasure.” He 
utterly dissented from those Republicans who thought 
the policy of intervention to prevent slavery unwise. To 
leave the question to a few hundred outlaws and run- 
aways when their decision affected all the people of the 
United States was folly. The question which they were to 
decide would be whether there were to be more slave 
states or more free states, whether government was to be 
Republican or Oligarchical, whether Congress was to be 


Israel Washburn, the Eldest Son 61 


so constituted that it would protect free labor or oppress 
it. Southern men, who stood where their fathers stood 
at the close of the second war with Great Britain, would 
find nothing in the Republican party to object to, but on 
the contrary find the restoration of peace. But under 
any circumstances the party must not give up the states 
in the North in hope of obtaining states in the South. The 
slavery issues were the all-important ones upon which the 
party would turn fearless and undiscouraged. 


J. D. AnpREws To WAsHBURN 


Private Astor House Jany. 13—18509. 

My dear Washburn: I am obliged for your letter which 
came to me from Boston. I see you have been making a 
great speech, and from what the papers say, you have put 
the party, a party which should be upon the threshold of 
success, upon the right basis. 

Send me some copies here, when printed, and can you 
mail me at an early day, a copy of Cobbs Treasury Report— 

Was it not unfortunate that the Naval appropriation 
bill was not referred to the House. 

You cannot form any estimate of the poor opinion 
universally entertained of this corrupt and weak adminis- 
tration. 

It seems plain to me that there is the utmost neces- 
sity for a concentration of all our forces in Washington, in 
Congress, moral, official and political and that there should 
be a combined attack upon Buchanan and his administra- 
tion and that henceforward our true policy is the aggressive. 

Appropriations should be steadily refused on account 
of the extravagance of the Executive—and [ think the pol- 
icy will be sustained. 

If there are not too many political lame ducks, who 
have jobs on hand, the plan can be perfected. 

Let him, let the canting old scoundrel meet the New 
House in June. 


62 


Israel, Elihu and Cadwallader Washburn 


Remember this, we are strong and they are weak, and 
do not give up one inch of vantage ground— 

Our policy, I say it again, must be aggressive, unyield- 
ing—Attack Buchanan and hold the Democracy account- 
able for all his acts— 

I hope our people are about done with in making them- 
selves fools with Douglass— .. . 

How is Seward—You should make him brace himself 
up to an elaborate attack upon the administration— 
Put the ball in motion—Let Kansas be a secondary mat- 
ter, apparently, in the debates— 

The people are ready, and it will invigorate our party 
as well as giving them new ideas of new issues, of all the 
issues, involved in the contest— 

I hope you are all well. 


The next letter is from Rev. Amory Battles, pastor of 


the Universalist Church at Orono, an old and devoted 
friend of Mr. Washburn’s. 


Bangor, Feb 8, 1859. 

Bro. Washburn: I have received a copy of your speech of 
the roth, ult. and what is more I have read it too. I thank 
you for sending it to me and still more for making it. It 
does honor to your head and heart and shows you are look- 
ing towards the Heavenly City instead of Sodom. It has 
so far as it goes the right ring to it. 

It has seemed to me that Republicanism has either 
been stupid or cowardly or as Dr. Cheever would say, I 
have thought it had not got its blinkers off. As, I have 
read in Judge Trumbul’s speech the sentiment—quite as 
low and objectionable to me as the platform of Douglass— 
that the Republican Party is the White Man’s party and 
is willing to let the black man alone if he will keep out of its 
way. As I have seen how willing the members of this 
party in Congress have been to adopt the lowest platform 
for the sake of some transient and uncertain good so that 
during the whole of the last session the real antislavery 


Israel Washburn, the Eldest Son 63 


issue was ignored by them and as the Richmond South 
declared nothing was said of the wrongs of the Slave! As 
I have noticed the attempts of the Tribune to sell out to 
Americans and Silver Greys and form a mere opposition 
clique bound by no central ideas but flying about like a 
party of Indians in a guerilla warfare without any fixed 
system, I have wondered if the scales would ever fall from 
their eyes to enable them to see the meaning and sublimity 
of the agitation that is now shaking our country from center 
to circumference. 

With these doubts in my mind you may be assured that 
it gives me hearty pleasure to learn that some of you are 
comprehending the great fact that it is for no transient 
things that the antislavery party is contending but for 
principles as broad as man and as enduring as God himself. 
I am glad you and Seward and others are coming to see and 
avow that the warfare we are engaged in is not one of names 
and words, but a warfare of ideas eternally antagonistic 
and the only method to pursue is to follow the straight 
line of right, not the indirect way of shifting expediencies. 
As I understand it, we are not contending for the white 
man or the black man, but for universal man. The question 
is not, shall slavery spread over new territory simply, but 
shall it exist at all in our land. It is idle therefore to talk 
about taking in our colors if slavery will waive its claims to 
go into Kansas. You might as well say of a fever in your 
system you will cease attending to it if it will not show 
itself some particular part of the body, not knowing that if 
it does not manifest itself there it will somewhere else. If 
Slavery does not do diabolical things in Kansas it will some- 
where else. 

How utterly futile it is to think of standing on the ticket 
and rotten platform of Horace Greeley and Co. We might 
gain a victory thereon but it would not be a victory of ideas 
but of a party merely without noble principles and with- 
out heroism. It seems to me that the line which the Tribune 
would draw between Republicanism and Democracy would 
represent the fence the farmer made around his field where 
he kept his hogs—so crooked that when they crawled under 


64 


Israel, Elihu and Cadwallader Washburn 


it they found themselves in the same field from which they 
thought they had escaped. 

My dear friend I am glad you repudiate such tricks and 
dicker. Do not I beseech you, suffer the Republican Plat- 
form to be lowered. In the name of Freedom and Human- 
ity, is it not low enough already? Rather seek to elevate 
and broaden it. Remember that nothing but truth and 
justice can stand permanently—for they alone rest on the 
solid foundation that God has laid. If one would build a 
pyramid, does he lay the base stone on the sand or dig 
down deep to the solid granite? It is no matter whether 
we succeed in 1860 or not, for the account of God’s provi- 
dence is not to be posted up then, but it is of immense 
importance for us to plant ourselves on such principles as 
deserve success. Let us be true to man—to the slave and as 
you so nobly say “ With faith and a good heart” success is 
certain. I hope you will pardon the length and the seeming 
advisatory tone of this and believe me, with cordial regards 
to Mrs. Washburn. 

Very Truly your friend. 


There was not, however, full confidence in all Repub- 


licans. Joshua R. Giddings wrote November 7, 1859, 
from Jefferson, Ohio: 


I may suggest that it (The President’s message) be met by 
a determined effort for the repeal of all enactments by 
Congress which involve the people of the free states in the 
support of that institution, which must if the Union be 
preserved be left entirely with the states in which the con- 
stitution left it. 

In meeting this question I think you will have less 
trouble in your own ranks than heretofore. But yet I 
apprehend there are would-be leaders in the Republican 
ranks that are quite willing to go farther in the support of 
slavery than Congress has heretofore gone, but they are 
not men of sufficient moral courage to say or do much if 
our friends put on a bold front and speak of those who 


Israel Washburn, the Eldest Son 65 


would lend any support to slavery as men wanting in spirit 
and in principles. 


This letter coincided with Washburn’s view. Although 
the Abolition Society at New York, through William 
Godell who edited the Radical Abolitionist, approached 
him with energy in a letter of March 19g, 1858, it did not 
gain his membership. His contention was simply that 
slavery was wrong and must be confined to the states in 
which it existed. 

In the Universalist Quarterly for January, 1864, he dis- 
cussed the question in an able article ‘““The Logic and the 
End of the Rebellion.”’ He said the slave power had com- 
mitted suicide by its policy of aggression, which caused 
loyal men to reach the conclusion that nothing but the 
utter extermination of slavery would save their own 
freedom. 

“It was not possible for slavery to be removed in any 
other way. The free States could not destroy it, nor could 
the General Government. It could be destroyed by the 
slave owners themselves, and by no other party. Without 
the assault upon the Government, wantonly and wickedly 
made by the slave power, no force of public sentiment 
could have been created, no combination of circumstances 
could have arisen adequate to the overthrow of this 
wide-spread and deep-rooted system.” 

How then could emancipation now be effectively 
accomplished? The President’s proclamation had set all 
negroes in the states in rebellion free. There were, there- 
fore, no slaves in the Southern states. Under the law no 
slaves could be imported from abroad. It was competent 
under the interstate commerce clause of the Constitution to 
prohibit a slave from going from one state to another. 


66 Israel, Elihu and Cadwallader Washburn 


The states, therefore, might leave their slave codes in full 
vigor upon the statute books and they be a dead letter. 
He had no doubt of the President’s authority to issue the 
Proclamation of Emancipation. He did not agree with 
Charles Sumner’s recent article in the 4Hantic Monthly 
that the rebel states had ceased to be states of the Union 
and were now territories which the general government 
could govern in any way it chose. 

Washburn insisted they were still “strictly and legally 
speaking, states of the American Union, having their 
boundaries, divisions, subdivisions, and laws, but as hay- 
ing no administration, and no government, except such as 
may have been provided by the United States, and which 
must be continued until the time shall come when the 
loyal people of the states acting under the protection and 
authority of the United States—but so far as practicable 
under the forms of their own laws—may properly and 
safely be permitted to set up governments for them- 
selves—”’ a policy, it may be remarked, substantially the 
same as Mr. Lincoln’s. 


AFTER NINE YEARS IN CONGRESS 


It may be doubted whether Israel Washburn’s career 
would not have been more notable if he had stayed in the 
House instead of leaving that field for the governorship of 
Maine. His reputation had risen steadily. He felt certain 
of himself and had demonstrated power as a party leader 
in the House. The politics of the state had become favor- 
able to him. The legislature of 1854 had elected William 
Pitt Fessenden to the Senate. He was the rising star in 
Maine, and he and Washburn had been intimate political 
and personal friends for many years. As Fessenden’s 
fortunes advanced he might reasonably count on the 
progress of his own. When Fessenden was elected to the 
Senate, Washburn sent him the following letter of con- 
gratulation: 


Washington, 1854 

I sent you three cheers this morning by telegraph, the 
same that Seward and old Wade and I gave when I com- 
municated to them at Seward’s house, three hours ago, the 
result of yesterday’s work at Augusta. Pike (J. S.) is here, 
and happy. Badger says if Nebraska elected you, it has the 
merit of doing one good thing. In fine, we are all happy. 

Badger and Seward say the vote cannot be taken on 
the Nebraska bill, in all probability, before the end of the 
week. There are many to speak upon it. Seward, Pike, 
and others say, and I concur with them, that you ought to 
come on in season to speak against it. They want a speech 
fresh from the people, a word from the heart of freedom.’ 


1From Francis Fessenden’s William Pitt Fessenden 1, 40. The date of the 
letter is not given. 
67 


68 Israel, Elihu and Cadwallader Washburn 


The state being republican in 1854, Isaac Reed, one of 
Washburn’s friends, wrote from Walsboro, February Io, 
asking whether he would be willing to accept the post of 
judge of the supreme judicial court, “‘and if so would your 
constituents consent to your vacating your seat in Con- 
gress?” 

But suggestions of a more exalted position than that of 
a state judge were made to him soon afterwards, and from 
this time forward were often repeated. Dr. A. Nourse 
wrote him from Bath, November 12, 1958. 


My dear Sir: I apprehend that, unless some pains are 
taken to give a special direction to public sentiment before- 
hand, we shall have trouble in selecting a candidate for 
Gov. to succeed Mr. Morrill—The ultra temperance folks, 
it is said, will insist on our taking a man of their stamp— 
and how disastrous that would be to the cause of Republi- 
canism in Maine I need not spend time to demonstrate. 

Your name has often been mentioned, and always with 
favor, in connection with the nomination referred to, and 
if allowed to be used, would give a speedy quietus to the 
efforts of other aspirants— 

I have been pondering this matter ever since I had the 
pleasure of meeting you in Bath, and my conviction is that 
a simple acquiescence on your part in what should appear 
to be the general wish, so far from marring your future 
political prospects, would tend decidedly to their advance- 
ment. 

Allow me to hope therefore that you will in no way 
interfere to counteract the efforts of your friends or pre- 
vent the success of a movement which I regard as all im- 
portant— 

Allow me, Sir, to congratulate you on the brilliant light 
thrown upon our prospects by the late elections, and to hope 
that I may hear from you at your earliest convenience— 


Ever faithfully yours. 


Israel Washburn, the Eldest Son 69 


To this the following reply was sent: 


Orono, Nov. 16, 1859. 

My dear Sir: I think there can be no difficulty in finding 
and agreeing upon a good candidate for Governor next 
year outside of the interest you refer to and I trust and 
believe there will be no occasion to use my name in that 
connection. You will not doubt me when I say, “I do not 
want to be the candidate,” and there are quite a number of 
good men and good Republicans whose names have been 
mentioned as candidates with whom I could not consent to 
contend for the nomination. 

What I should feel bound to do in a contingency not likely 
to happen,—I mean in the event that there should be among 
the Republicans a very certain general, and earnest desire 
for my nomination, and those to whom I refer should not 
be in the field and our friends should feel that the cause 
would be essentially promoted by my being the Candidate, 
I need not say—for the case cannot arise, I am sure. 

But I thank you, my dear Doctor, for the very high 
compliment implied in the suggestions and request in your 
letter—and am 


Very truly yours. 


So his friends combined and he was brought forward as a 
candidate for governor. The convention took place at 
Bangor in Norombega Hall, and two other candidates 
were brought forward—Abner Coburn of Bloomfield and 
William Willis of Portland. On the first ballot Washburn 
had 429 votes, Coburn 242 and Willis 52. Mr. Blaine had 
supported Coburn, but not aggressively. The importance 
of the nomination was recognized, for this was a presiden- 
tial year and the state ticket must help the national 
ticket. The Democrats nominated Smart: and the Bell 
and Everitt (or Union) party, Barnes. Washburn’s 
majority in the election was about 20,000, an increase 


70 Israel, Elihu and Cadwallader Washburn 


over the majority which Morrill had received the year 
before of 5000 votes. 

No one can doubt that the honor of being governor of 
Maine was agreeable to Washburn. E. G. Brooks wrote 
from New York, September 27, 1860, congratulating him 
on being elected governor and adding: “You ought to 
have staid in the House till you were elected to the 
Senate.” 

Those who urged his election to the governorship 
thought he would reach the Senate by that route. 

He must succeed Hamlin when Hamlin should be Vice 
President. However, deeply interested as he was in every- 
thing pertaining to his state, and so much of a home man, 
he must have felt a thrill of pride at being called upon to 
preside over the state. He could remember how twenty 
years before he had gone to Augusta when John Fairfield 
was governor and the high respect which all classes and 
parties paid the governor. The old father and mother 
were still living, and to give them pride in their eldest 
son was not the least of the son’s incentives. Then there 
were the brothers forging ahead in the West. There was 
rivalry and emulation among them and the advancement 
of one was an honor to them all. It is probable that 
Israel Washburn’s first thought when anything important 
happened to him was, ‘‘What will the people at The Nor- 
lands and the younger brothers think?” 

Before his own nomination he was intensely concerned 
about the nomination for the Presidency to be made by the 
Republican party. He had been a strong Seward man; he 
was still a Seward man; but the opposition which had 
followed Seward’s conciliatory speeches had caused a fall- 
ing away from that statesman, and it seemed to Washburn 
and some others that a compromise candidate might be 


Israel Washburn, the Eldest Son 71 


possible, and that Fessenden could be brought forward. 
He had no sympathy with the movement to nominate 
Edward Bates of Missouri, who had attracted attention 
by his opposition to the slavery movement in Kansas, and 
had a record of long and honorable public service, for 
Bates was old and wedded to the old order and the times 
called for young men who could embrace new ideas. 

James S. Pike in a letter of January 29, 1860, cast some 
light on the current trend of favor. 


New York. 

My dear Washburn: I don’t like to be held up to answer 
categorically. But I will say this. Dana had a letter from 
Fitz Henry a few days ago in which he treats of the folly of 
going into the “crypt of the catacombs” for a presidential 
candidate, for which letter I expressed unbounded admira- 
tion and tried to get hold of but without success. I have 
pitched into Horace week after week on his candidate till 
I had something to do in shutting him up on the subject. 
I have been disposed to let the Bates’ movement go on 
however, thinking it might work together for good for 
those that love the Lord, but I am told it is acquiring 
formidable proportions in the West and elsewhere. 

I was at a dinner here the other day given to Fiank Blair 
and: he let on a great head in regard to Bates. I do not 
see where things are coming out. 

I have had a very strong belief in Mr. Seward’s nomina- 
tion till Mr. Brown visited Virginia. That little incident 
has thrown a new cloud over the presidential track and I 
think obscured Mr. Seward’s prospects not a little. 

Looking at Mr. Bates as heading the extra liberal wing 
of the Republicans and Mr. Seward as representing the 
other extreme, it seems to me as though Mr. Fessenden 
might be fairly viewed as holding a medium position, and 
thus turn up strong in the end. 

In that hope I at present abide. At any rate I am for 
Pitt, you are for Pitt, Maine is for Pitt. And in my opinion 


72 


Israel, Elihu and Cadwallader Washburn 


Maine will have a good deal to do in settling the question 
of the nomination ultimately. She certainly will if she is 
well represented at the convention. 

Very truly. 


A. S. Murray To WASHBURN 


Gorham May 25, 1860. 

Dear Washburn: I am in receipt of your letter of the 
22nd inst. and beg to refer you to your Brother C. C. W. 
who was at Chicago last week, for the information desired. 
I could not in an ordinary letter tell you but a small part 
of what occurred there and caused the defeat of our friend 
Seward. Greeley and some other men from New York City 
were very active, made all sorts of representations and left 
no stone unturned to compass his defeat and then all the 
Delegates from Penn. (dam their iron and coal) Ohio, 
Indiana, Connecticut and little Rhode Island united in 
representing that their States could not be carried for 
Seward and that defeat with him as our candidate was 
certain. 

That old sinner F. P. Blair with his two cubs Frank and 
Montgomery were very active and bitter against Seward 
and did us a good deal of harm with the delegates from Vir- 
ginia, Kentucky etc. who were inclined to go with us in the 
beginning. I hope no friend of Sewards will vote to give 
Frank the seat he is contesting unless he makes a case so 
clear that they cannot honestly vote against him and which 
I am satisfied he has not made. 

We were also embarrassed with the representations that 
nearly every Republican U. S. Senator, with a large major- 
ity of the members of your House, were against S— and 
believed his nomination would end in the defeat of the 
party all of which had great weight with many members 
of the Convention who were really friends of Seward. I 
regret to learn that so large a portion of the N. Y. mem- 
bers were against him and acting with Greeley and Co. and 
believe that all, or nearly all, of them will get (even if they 
do not ask it) leave of absence from a seat in the next 


Israel Washburn, the Eldest Son 73 


Congress. We are down on the traitors from our own 
State— 

I fully agree with you that an error was committed in the 
organization of your House last Winter. . . . 

There is a rumor circulating that Senator Hamlin wrote 
to some of the Delegates from Maine advising the nomina- 
tion of some other man than Seward and that his letter 
lost Seward six votes from that State. If this report zs not 
reliably contradicted it will damage the Ticket seriously, 
if not fatally, in this State. If the report is untrue the 
friends of Hamlin cannot contradict it a moment too 
early—The nomination of Lincoln would have been popular 
in our State but for the slaughter of Seward. Our Party 
for the moment appears paralyzed and if the Democratic 
party had any vitality left we should be badly beaten as 
so many of our true men say they will not lift a hand to 
sustain the ticket, yet I hope and believe we shall carry the 
State with a considerable slaughter among our members of 
Congress. 


Yours truly. 


Then came a letter from Mr. Brooks giving concrete 
news of the nominations. 


180 W. 25th St. New York, June 7, 1860 

Bro. Washburn: ... Do the Senate really mean to 
persist in their scoundrelism in respect to Kansas, and to 
keep her out? 

What, behind the scenes, do they say about the Chicago 
nomination? Lincoln is so much better than I feared we 
shd. get that I am well satisfied. He is a strong straight 
out, live man—lI heard him here last winter, and liked him 
very much. I was afraid we shd. get Bates or some purely 
expediency candidate, resurrectionized and galvanized for 
the occasion. Seward is terribly cross and sore, isn’t he? 
I have not been so much of a Seward man since hearing his 
speech, as I was before. I especially disliked his with- 
holding Greeley’s letter, when his friends are so using, and 


74 


Israel, Elihu and Cadwallader Washburn 


Greeley is so demanding it. It looks badly. I was dis- 
appointed that Cassius Clay was not nominated for V. P. 
I think it wd. have strengthened the ticket and was due to 
him. 
Truly. 
E. G. Brooks. 

P. S. The Register says there are State Conventions in 
Alabama, Georgia, N. Carolina, and S. Carolina. But S.C. 
has had no connection with us in the way of Representation 
since 1848, and the others have never had any. Moreover 
I am informed that these States with Mississippi, organized 
what they called ‘The General Southern Convention of 
(Unionists)”’ in 1858, professedly subordinate to our Gen. 
Conv. but that has never paid any attention tous. Do you 
think it worth while for us as a Com. to take any notice of 
these Convents? My judgment says no. What says 
VOUrS Eon als 


The nomination of Hannibal Hamlin for the vice 


Presidency on the ticket with Lincoln would leave a va- 
cancy in the Senate. Washburn seems to have thought 
the time not appropriate for his candidacy, but there was 
a formidable movement in his favor. George F. Talbot 
wrote him on October 22. 


Mathias Me. 

My dear Sir: The turn the elections are taking brings up 
the Senatorial question in this State with considerable ' 
interest. I have heretofore both by letter and in conversa- 
tion expressed my preference for you for this place. If I 
am not mistaken in our last conversation you doubted if 
it would do for you to be a candidate, and expressed the 
wish that your friends should do nothing to bring you for- 
ward. Will you at an early day and confidentially let 
me know your present views and personal wishes in this 
matter. : 

Yourself being withdrawn from the list of candidates, if 
you still so desire, what man will be best calculated to de- 
feat the rather too palpable intrigues of Gov. Morrill? I 


Israel Washburn, the Eldest Son GS 


have had the name of Mr. Morse suggested. What do you 
think of him, his qualifications and his strength? He is in 
the same region of the State under the same political 
antecedents as Mr. Fessenden, the other Senator. 

It can be shown that the old Free-Soil party contributed 
about 25 pr ct of the present Republican party, as large a 
quota as the Democratic party contributed. And yet the 
latter faction which has had a lion’s share of the party 
patronage has insisted in alternating with Whig party in all 
the leading offices of the State and nation. Now that 
Hamlin is to be promoted in the Senate, not taken out of it, 
the democratic element will insist that unless Morrill is 
sent into the Senate too the equilibrium will be disturbed. 
Might not a successful claim be made now for a sufficiently 
well known politician of anti-slavery antecedents by way 
of distributing equitably the representation among the 
different elements of the party! Please write me briefly 
your views. 

With sincere Respect and highest confidence 

Truly yrs. 


The rising force in Maine politics, James G. Blaine, had 
already formed an alliance with Lot M. Morrill and 
Morrill was sent to the Senate in Hamlin’s place. It is 
hard to ascertain precisely what was Blaine’s attitude 
towards Washburn, but he was assiduous in his efforts to 
win his friendship. He wrote: 


Augusta Dec. 1/60. 

My dear Sir: . . . What time will you be in Augusta? 
There are certain topics of home concern which perhaps 
ought to be touched upon in your Inaugural and con- 
cerning which you will have to obtain the minutiae here— 

There is considerable feeling in some quarters for the 
repeal of our “personal Liberty Law’’—but I think we 
shall be able to check it quietly but effectually—I will have 
an article of some length next week, bearing on the sub- 
ject—Will send it to you. 


76 Israel, Elihu and Cadwallader Washburn 


I greatly dislike the idea of our . . . MC’s in this State— 
not merely for the loss of dignity but because it will em- 
barrass us politically in several localities and in several 
respects— 

What is the need of tying the number of Reps. down to 
233? Make the ratio 110,000 (enough in all conscience!) 
and the house wd consist of some 275 or 280—No State 
would lose on its present Representation and it would 
create an unbounded number of Republican members in the 
populous North West—It wd be in every respect a grand 
party movement for us—The only objection that wd be 
used wd be the addtnl expense, but the people dont care a 


fig for that—especially when it is set over against their 
State Pride— 


In grt haste 
Your friend truly. 


Washburn attended his last Congress in December, 
1860. As soon as the House organized he announced that 
he could not serve on the Committee of Ways and Means 
as his seat would be vacant on January 1. On December 
18 he informed the House that he had sent the resigna- 
tion of his seat to the governor of Maine. On the day be- 
fore, December 17, Mr. Adrian offered resolutions re- 
citing that the Constitution was the supreme law of the 
land and that the House deprecated the unconstitutional 
laws of some states and recommended their repeal, and 
Washburn announced that he could not vote for the res- 
olution because he had not sufficient evidence to justify 
him in saying the personal liberty laws were unconstitu- 
tional. Only thirteen others joined him in voting against 
the resolutions. These were the last remarks he made in 
Congress. There seemed to be an overweening desire in 
Congress to pass resolutions favoring the Union and con- 
demning personal liberty laws. 


Israel Washburn, the Eldest Son i; 


From this atmosphere he went directly to Augusta to 
be governor of Maine. 

The result of his nine years of congressional service had 
been to form in his mind a definite political philosophy 
which is interesting and which fortunately he recorded. 
In January, 1858, appeared in the Universalist Quarterly an 
article by him on modern civilization. The subject was 
a large one and he discussed it in a large spirit, with eleva- 
tion of thought and the stately and eloquent diction which 
the subject demanded. 

“What,” he said, “is our modern civilization,—its 
tendency and destiny, its dangers and hopes? Has it done 
its best, exhausted its powers, and is it unrobing for a 
final repose? Must it be with this as it has been with all 
former civilizations? Shall its history 


Be but the same rehearsal of the past, 
First Freedom and then Glory—when that fails, 
Wealth, vice, corruption—barbarism at last? 


We propose to state some of the considerations which 
have conducted us to the belief that these questions must 
receive different and more encouraging answers than the 
tones of impatience and despondency in which they are 
so often asked, would seem to anticipate.” 

Was it true that the power of civilization was exhausted? 
When did it pass its meridian? Not at the beginning of 
the eighteenth century, nor at the middle of the seven- 
teenth. There were more wars then, than now; the condi- 
tion of the masses was worse; crimes were more frequent; 
manners more coarse. Not at the beginning of the nine- 
teenth century. Since then the steamboat and railroad 
had brought mankind into neighborship. Never was 
there a time when labor brought in such large rewards as 


78 Israel, Elihu and Cadwallader Washburn 


it did now; never were the means of education and im- 
provement so abundant. The spirit of the pulpit was 
better. There were sermons on toleration, kindness and 
charity. The laws showed a more enlightened spirit. 

The civilization of the ancient world was sure to decay 
from causes which do not affect our civilization. It was 
built upon the principles and in the spirit of force. The 
best cultivated nations of antiquity were engaged in con- 
stant wars with other nations, and in subjugation of tribes 
and peoples. The consequences were luxury and corrup- 
tion on the side of the few, poverty and slavery with their 
usual vices on the part of the many. Conquest supplied 
wealth; wealth begot luxury, wastefulness and corruption. 
The patrician became effeminate, the plebeian brutal. 

“In the fulness of time an Anointed was sent upon the 
earth to deliver a gospel and illustrate its truth and beauty 
by a perfect example. This gospel was destined to work 
a complete revolution in human affairs. It spoke of the 
brotherhood of man, of the dignity of human nature.” 
A new civilization was formed; the principle upon which 
it should be founded had been revealed. Civilization had 
progressed since then slowly, because so much of the old 
spirit of force remained and was so long in disappearing. 
Nations still went to war; slavery existed in America, and 
many now supported it as a good and a right, many whose 
fathers had pronounced it an evil and a wrong. 

‘So long as the slaveholders were pleased to make no 
overt efforts to extend the system of slavery, it was easy 
and safe for men in either section to talk well and 
humanely concerning it; but when its inherent necessities 
required a revelation of its true nature, and compelled the 
work of aggression upon which it has entered,—when it 
had succeeded, after the death of General Jackson, in 


Israel Washburn, the Eldest Son 79 


wresting to its uses the powerful and long-dominant party 
of which he was for many years the unrivalled chieftain 
if not the acknowledged founder, it became unsafe to speak 
of it in terms of condemnation which had been usual in 
the North and had been tolerated in the South, and polit- 
ical annihilation awaited any one who did so. Then 
shallow and false men, politicians by trade and mere 
demagogues, those who make the most noise at the corners 
of the streets, in coal-holes and bar-rooms,” began to admit 
that slavery was not wrong, then to say it was perfectly 
right. 

But when the final trial should come the North would 
be found to be sound. When they should come to perceive 
that slavery aggression would, if it was not resisted, 
destroy freedom, the masses would rise. 

There was danger that the money power would become 
centralized and “our eyes must rest occasionally on the 
statutes of distribution, as well as those of accumulation.” 
The perfect state of society was to produce as much as men 
need and not to require the time of all to accomplish the 
result. Sidney Smith was not wholly wrong when he 
defended material aids against mere sentiment. “‘‘What,’ 
exclaimed the witty parson, ‘is the object of all govern- 
ment? The object of all government is roast mutton, 
potatoes, claret, a stout constable, an honest justice, a 
clean highway, a free chapel.’”’ 

Society had reached the point where the development 
of the physical resources of the world was required, and 
to aid this development was the appointed business of 
mankind. “The press, the steamship, the railway, the 
telegraph, all unknown to the old civilization, are the 
servants of ours.” There were nobler and better things 
than material things; but we were fated to depend, in 


80 Israel, Elihu and Cadwallader Washburn 


striving for them, in no slight manner on the friendly 
services of material things. 


*‘Here then we rest; rest in confidence upon our Christian 
civilization—upon the efficiency of the instrumentalities 
which are founded on the theory that all reform must pro- 
ceed from the inner life; that it must be of slow growth, 
extending from the individual to communities, and from 
communities till it embraces the race; rest in faith that out- 
ward things have their uses in this development, and, truly 
employed, will never prejudice the highest interests of 
human nature.” 


WAR GOVERNOR 


From his friends and associates in Congress he received 
genuine congratulations on his election as governor. 


Joun Atitison To WASHBURN 


New Brighton Penna. December 29th 1860. 
Hon. I. Washburn 

My Dear Sir: I congratulate you upon your election to 
the Chief Magistracy of Maine, yet I am sorry that you 
leave the Halls of Congress. I hope that the Legislature of 
Maine will serve you as they did Hamlin and send you back 
to Washington to fill a Seat in the Senate Chamber. I 
have had various experiences since I saw you, have been 
much of my time in the West, without being pecunzarily 
benefited. We have gained a great Victory in the election 
of Lincoln. And our opponents modestly ask us to admin- 
ister the Government upon their principles, and we have 
some fools and some knaves in our ranks, who would be 
willing to do so, could they but get into good comfortable 
positions. We are fast approaching the time when we will 
know who are Republicans and who are but Camp followers. 
What do you think of that old popeyed “‘pub func” who 
occupies the Presidential Chair. Is he less a traitor than 
Cobb. I was right glad the old Genl. Cass left the treason- 
able camp. 

I wish to ask your influence in my behalf and in doing so, 
bear with me while I write some things which I deem neces- 
sary, to a correct understanding of my position. 

It is now nearly ten years since we made the acquaint- 
ance of each other, in all that time the country has been 
gradually approaching the political position, which you and 
I occupied ten years ago. We were far in advance of the 
old Whig party—shed our tears over its grave—they were 

81 


82 


Israel, Elihu and Cadwallader Washburn 


but few of them, and not large—inasmuch as it adopted the 
Baltimore platform.—And we were in at the birth and 
baptism of the Republican party. In my State I was far 
in advance of those who now constitute the Republican 
party. 

I was not a Cameron man, went to Chicago to oppose 
him, and did more than any other score of men in the 
State to prevent him having control of our delegation at 
Chicago, and did “fight a good fight”’ for three days in our 
delegation, in opposition to Thad. Stevens. David Wilmot, 
G. A. Purveance and others, and afterwards with Stevens 
gave the Delegation to Lincoln on third choice, instead of 
Bates, which decided the nomination. I was there as an 
Anti Cameron Man. My district preferred Seward and I 
would never even consent to compliment such a man as 
Cameron, let his wealth and position be what it might. For 
this I expected to be marked and proscribed by Cameron 
and his followers, and as long as it was supposed that he 
would be in the Cabinet, I did not intend to make applica- 
tion for any position, but as Wilmot is to be our Cabinet 
officer, I have concluded to ask my old friends who know 
me, to “lend me a hand” while I try to make head against 
the flunkeys, who now expect to dispense the patronage, 
through the influence of Genl. Cameron. 

I want a letter from you to Mr. Lincoln, saying to him 
what you know of me, as an honest trustworthy man, and 
I want you to give me such Credit for consistent fidelity 
to the great principles which underlie the Republican Or- 
ganization—long before the Republican party came into 
existence as a party, as you may think I deserve. I do not 
know what I will ask for, but I think that few in Pennsyl- 
vania have stronger claims upon the party, and surely none 
who have stronger claims upon Mr. Lincoln. Your aid in 
this matter will be gratefully remembered. 

I hope I do not presume too much upon our former 
friendship, in making this application. If I do, you will 
at least pardon the freedom with which I have written to 
you. With many wishes for your health and happiness 

I remain Truly Your friend. 


Israel Washburn, the Eldest Son 83 


When Washburn was elected governor of Maine he and 
other Republican governors were well aware that a crisis 
confronted them and that more would be required from 
them than the regular duties of governor in ordinary 
times. 

Washburn and E. D. Morgan, the governor of New 
York, had a conference when Washburn passed through 
New York on his way to Augusta at which it appears 
other governors were present. 


E. D. Morcan To WaAsHBURN 


Private New York—zoth Dec. 1860. 
My dear Governor: I have your note from Washington. 
I wish you to come directly to 143—17th. St. where I am 
staying with a relative. No persons except Governors 
will be present. I wish the meeting a private one so it can- 
not be at a Hotel, I shall be there at 7 o’clock this evening. 
Truly yours. 


Governor Washburn’s first message was delivered to 
both houses of the legislature, January 3, 1861. It was 
prepared with great care, the English was formal and the 
views put forth were his matured policy for the welfare of 
his state. 

The state was prosperous, he said. ‘‘It may be doubted 
that the sun, in his whole course, visits a community whose 
members are more clear of financial embarrassments, or 
who are more generally in possession of the means and 
accessories of comfort and independence than those among 
whom our lot has been cast.” 

Maine outstripped all the other states in ship-building, 
furnishing at least two-fifths of the sailing tonnage of the 
entire merchant-service. No state could be better situated 
for prosecuting the fisheries. It had exceptionally good 


84. Israel, Elihu and Cadwallader Washburn 


water power with the most eligible sites for manufactur- 
ing. Large deposits of iron had been found in the counties 
of Piscataquis and Aroostook and the slate near Bangor 
was superior to that of Wales. The lumber in the forests 
seemed inexhaustible. The soil yielded under proper 
cultivation better returns on account of its proximity to 
good markets “than the fat acres of the West.” The duty 
of the state government, then, was to take measures “‘to 
enlarge our commerce, to place the great business of ship- 
building on a surer and stronger footing, to extend the 
employment of our carriers, to increase the number and 
enhance the profits of our nearby fishermen, to attract the 
investment of capital in the manifold varieties of manu- 
factures for which the state is preeminently adapted, to 
work the mines of Katahdin, and open those of Aroostook, 
to enable Brownville and the neighboring towns to supply 
the markets of America with slate, to systematize the 
operations and diversify the employments of those engaged 
in the lumber trade, and, by all these, to give new in- 
citements and ampler recompense to those who till the 
soil, by creating an increased demand and nearer markets 
for the fruits of their industry.” 

In the Aroostook section was a large area of good land 
owned by the state and unoccupied. He favored en- 
couragement of Norwegian emigration to it and state as- 
sistance to transportation schemes to make it accessible. 
The best mode was to encourage the European and North 
American Railway, the great international highway. In 
this the general government should help. “While I can- 
not encourage the hope that an application for aid for this 
work from the Federal Government would meet with 
sufficient favor at Washington to ensure its success at the 
present time, and under existing circumstances, its im- 


Israel Washburn, the Eldest Son 85 


portance to the whole country as well as the govern- 
ment itself, and the sacrifices which Maine so generously 
made in 1842, of her clear and indisputable rights of 
property and jurisdiction, for the benefit of the whole 
country, persuade me that the grant of such aid as might 
be necessary to effect its accomplishment, would be both 
wise and just.” 

He followed with national affairs. 

This government, he said, had not been established to 
advance the interests of slavery. The fathers had, on 
the contrary, contemplated its restriction and ultimate 
extinction. The prohibition of the slave trade; recognition 
of fugitives from labor and service as “‘persons”’ and not 
as property and therefore not reclaimable by any process 
applicable to property; Jefferson’s ordinance of 1784 for 
the Northwest territory, Dane’s of 1787, and the law of 
1791 showed this. “Slavery was a weakness, an impolicy, 
an evil with all; with many, a sin. It was the child of 
municipal law, local, sectional—not national.” But its 
weakness required for its protection that it should be ex- 
panded. Whence the history of its assumptions and claims 
for the last forty years? It demanded the admission of 
Missouri as a slave state in 1820; had the Indians removed 
from Alabama and Georgia in 1830 and from Georgia in 
1840; in 1850 obtained an abandonment of the principles 
of the ordinance of 1787 and had a new and severe fugitive 
slave law passed. To all of this from the love of peace and 
the Union, the North had submitted. In 1854 it had 
thrown the virgin fields of Kansas and Nebraska open to 
slavery and in 1855 and ’56 had begun a reign of violence 
and terror in Kansas in order that freemen might be driven 
from it and it brought into the Union as a slave state. 
The country had been aroused and had elected Abraham 


86 Israel, Elihu and Cadwallader Washburn 


Lincoln and Hannibal Hamlin and a crisis had been precip- 
itated. No concessions would be satisfactory to the slave 
states which did not secure to them the right of expan- 
sion and protection of their peculiar property and the 
North could not make such a concession. “But, if not, 
we are told that the slave states, or a portion of them, will 
withdraw from the Union. No, they will not. They can 
not go, and in the end they will not want to go. They 
would know that their strength and happiness lay in the 
Union. They will learn, as they should know already, that 
the people of the free states have no intention of intermed- 
dling with their system in the states where it exists by 
virtue of the local law, and that they will cheerfully extend 
to them all their constitutional and equal rights.” It 
behooved the North to set itself right without abat- 
ing one jot the principles affirmed in the late election. 
The personal liberty bills of some of the free states had 
been the cause of crimination on the part of most people 
in the South and of many in the North. He believed 
they had been passed to prevent the kidnapping of free 
persons of color and to bring state action into accord 
with Supreme Court decrees; but if the laws had in any 
state been enacted in violation of the Constitution or 
of any constitutional law of Congress, although they 
were then mere waste paper, they ought to be repealed. 
If Maine had such laws they ought to be repealed. If its 
laws were not unconstitutional then “when such action 
(as their repeal) is demanded as the condition upon which 
you are to be permitted to enjoy your constitutional rights, 
your civil and political freedom, you are forbidden to yield 
to the requisition by every consideration that can have 
weight among men fit to be free.’’ The concessions.which 
had been demanded of the free states were inadmissible 


Israel Washburn, the Eldest Son 87 


not only in themselves, but because they were concessions. 
To grant them would be a dangerous precedent and a 
transfer of government from the hands of the many to 
the power of the few. As for secession it had been denied 
as a right by all the statesmen of the republic up to the 
present time and all treasonable endeavors against the 
United States would fail. In such an event all parties 
would disappear in Maine and all would be patriots and 
defenders of the Union. He believed that moderation 
and steadfastness of the free states and the good sense 
and patriotism of all would save the country from 
strife. 

The message met with general commendation. The 
Bangor Whig and Courier said (January 5, 1861) it was one 
of the ablest and most patriotic state papers ever presented 
to the people of Maine. Henry L. Dawes, then a repre- 
sentative from Massachusetts, wrote from Washington, 
January 6, 1861: 


It was as admirable in tone and temper as in matter— 
statesmanlike in statement, patriotic in sentiment, and 
fearless in position. JI am glad to perceive that even at 
your great distance it still appears to you that “‘they are 
not going out.” 


Epwarp Kent to WASHBURN 


Bangor Jany. 6, 1861. 

My dear Governor: . . . I have read your message, and 
this itself is a compliment from an Ex Governor, and I can 
say to you as, according to your story, Inman or Mc 
Phetres or some of your up river constituents said to Maj. 
Tropton when he asked four and sixpence a yard for cotton 
cloth, “I like your talk.” 

I have not written a word on the matter, but I have 
thought it over, and turned it on all sides, and have at times 


88 


Israel, Elihu and Cadwallader Washburn 


been a little uncertain in my mind as to what course duty 
and patriotism and the Union, required. But I have settled 
down in the full assurance that the time has fully come, 
when nothing is to be gained, but everything lost, by 
temporising or compromising principles and fundamental 
doctrines. The fact is, nothing will satisfy unless we yield 
all the platform we have announced, fought for and con- 
quered under, and, yet more, cease talking about slavery, 
or even thinking it anything short of the perfection of 
justice, wisdom and humanity. Now, we may as well meet 
the issue. I for one am ready to stand on the doctrine 
that slavery is local and cannot exist where there is no law 
of the place to create or acknowledge it; and that it cannot 
rightfully go or be carried or exist in the territories. I think 
also that true policy is to be firm as our granite rocks, but 
to say and do nothing unnecessarily to excite feeling. I 
am willing to go as far as we can to conciliate, and aid the 
friends of the Union in the South and particularly in the 
border States. I would yield nothing to fear or threats, 
but I would not hesitate to do what public good required 
through the unmanly fear of being taunted with cowardice 
and retreating. I think our friends owe it to Pres. Lincoln 
to strengthen his arm by removing all stumbling blocks 
from the Union Cause, and thereby bringing to the sup- 
port of the new administration the great body of the honest 
and patriotic democrats. For one I care but little com- 
paratively for our liberty act, as it is called.—As it stands 
it amounts to nothing. A law to be of any use should con- 
tain provisions to protect personal liberty and rights. I 
think we should not act at all on the subject at this moment, 
but wait a time to see if it will do any good to move in the 
matter of repeal. I admired your decided declaration that 
the South would not go out, and would not want to. I 
think there has been a good deal of “‘method in their 
madness,” and that the leaders intended to try this as the 
last desperate remedy, like quicksilver in a case of stoppage 
in the bowels. The great fear is that the mass or the mob 
will run beyond the leaders and force them to fight—for a 
time. Well—if we must fight, why let us fight. Let us at 


Israel Washburn, the Eldest Son 89 


all events say that if the Union must be dissolved, so far as 
the secession dissolves it, unless we yield the point that 
Slavery is national,—why it must be. At present and until 
a severance in some way, the laws must be enforced and the 
supremacy of the Union over State secession and individual 
rebellion, treason or violation of the laws must be enforced 
at every hazard—lIt will be time enough then to talk about 
a peaceable separation. 

Permit me to say that your message is written in an 
excellent style—clear, forcible, earnest without the spread 
eagle to high falute, or the dull ass to stupify and leaden 
a 

I almost forgot to thank you for your hints to the Legis- 
lature touching our poor salaries. I hope they will find 
time at least to consider the matter. I know that the people 
everywhere expect and hope that justice will be done to the 
hard worked and poorly paid judges. 

I trust you find the old quarters comfortable and the 
chair of State with a soft cushion— 

Very truly 
Your friend. 


SENATOR Preston Kinc or NEw YorkK TO WASHBURN 


Washington Jany. 8, 1861. 

Dear Sir: I congratulate you on your entrance upon your 
new duties by the able and patriotic address you have made 
to your Legislature. I have read that part of it which re- 
lates to national affairs with gratification and thank you for 
sending it to me. 

I do not believe there is any real danger to the Union of 
the States, though if half of what we hear be true, armed 
force may be required to maintain the supremacy of the 
constitution and laws in some of the States—If the influence 
of Traitors had not paralyzed for a time the Executive here 
it would not have been necessary in my opinion to fire a gun 
to maintain the authority of the Federal Government—The 
administration is now straitening up—and if we can escape 
the commission of any folly by Congress for the next two 


go 


Israel, Elihu and Cadwallader Washburn 


months as I have some hope we may, we shall soon find 
peace and safety after the 4th of March under a sound and 
vigorous administration guided by the principles and 
example of the Government under Washington and Jeffer- 
son— 
With my kind rememberance 
Yours truly. 


A. NoursE To WASHBURN 


Bath, Jany. 18th, 1861. 

My dear Sir: The history and result of the late political 
conflict in this city have awakened in my mind a train of 
anxious reflections which I hope may prove altogether 
groundless but I cannot be at peace with myself if I fail 
to disclose them. .. . 

Again—Is anybody wise enough to see how civil war 
is to be avoided? Attendant upon it, should it come, must 
be prostration of business and consequent distress—The 
whole roundly and vociferously charged upon the Republi- 
can party—unjustly of course. But it was predicted on all 
hands that the election of Lincoln would produce this re- 
sult, and the result did immediately follow. What more 
natural than for weak and willing minds to connect them 
together as cause and effect? Does not the history of this 
country abundantly prove that it is a fearful thing to any 
party that a general stagnation of business, from whatever 
cause, should happen to occur while they hold the reins of 
govt.? 

Is there no danger that, even in this state, under the 
operation of these two causes, our immense majority will 
melt away in a single year? I know well that in the hey 
day of prosperity, prophets of evil are but little heeded— 
and I have myself ordinarily but little sympathy with their 
croakings—But it is sometimes well to snuff a danger in the 
distance. I am free to say that if we in all the N. E. States, 
take ground as a party against repeal, we shall cripple our 
strength prodigiously—and if to this be added civil war, 
our danger of defeat this very year would be imminent. 


Israel Washburn, the Eldest Son gI 


For our avowed principles I would fight to the death—but 
against being led into false and dangerous issues I solemnly 
protest—And now Sir, let me conclude by saying that I 
have the utmost confidence in your political sagacity as 
well as firmness—and if you have already considered the 
subject in the light I have endeavored to present it, of 
course all this goes for nothing—But whatever view you 
may take of the matter, I have no fear of your charging me 
with impertinent interference, or of acting from any other 
than patriotic motives. 

I have now discharged my conscience, and have only 
to add that, come weal or come woe, 

Iam 
Yours ever. 


Charles B. Sedgwick of Syracuse, N. Y., was serving his 
first term in Congress. He wrote to Washburn: 


Washington, 25 Jany. 1861. 

My dear Israel: . . . . As to standing firm—TI find my- 
self leaning the other way and pretty soon I shall become a 
confirmed secessionist, and if any slave state shows signs of 
staying in the Union I[ shall want to apply a little “vis 
a tergo” and help them out. I don’t propose at all events 
to give any of them anything for staying in the Union. 

As for Seward’s speech I am frank to say I don’t like 
it—not that it really offers any premium in particular for 
rascality and treachery, but it seems to, and it furnishes 
skulking ground for those who wish to dodge and com- 
promise. It is the speech of an adroit politician rather 
than of a great statesman. If I understand it and “the 
Court thinks she does,” it sets out with most magnificent 
rhetoric the great value of the Union—it is therefore a great 
object to preserve it. How?—Not by going on man- 
fashion to execute and enforce the laws, but by conciliation. 

To do it—1. I will advise the states to repeal their 
Personal Liberty laws. 2. I would amend the Constitu- 
tion. 3. I would with certain conditions vote for a Con- 
vention to amend the Constitution. 4. I would make 


g2 


Israel, Elihu and Cadwallader Washburn 


laws against invasion of States. 5. A Southern Pacific R. 
Road. 

When you look at it the offer is certainly not a large 
one—but to save so precious and valuable a Union I will 
give a little more. Eliot would make a larger bid, and when 
you get down to the weaker brethren they would make the 
States all slave to save the Union. The principle being 
given up that it is lawful to compromise, it becomes a 
question of degree. The speech has hurt Seward and shaken 
the confidence of many of his strongest friends. I cannot 
but look upon it as demoralizing. Adams proposes to take 
New Mexico but has executed a flank movement prepara- 
tory to a run which old Cherubusco might envy. Sherman 
will vote for New Mexico. Some of our people will vote all 
Corwin’s propositions and they expect to carry them and 
very likely will. I don’t think W. will be attacked. Scott 
will rake these old avenues in a way that Washington and 
his old French engineer never dreamed of when they laid 
them out. He will be disappointed if his plans fail for want 
of an Enemy. Mrs. S. Leaves home tomorrow morning for 
this City. She means to bein at the death... . 

I hope you are coming on at the head of the Penobscot 
rangers. I should like to see you in epaulettes and feathers. 
The speaker (William Pennington of New Jersey) goes on 
with great Bonhommy. He says he has stopped drinking 
but his nose is a plain denial of his speech. We want you 
back here. Your successor is a man we should hate to lose 
but think his health would be better in Maine. Can’t you 
swap offices with him. 

Good bye 
Truly yours. 


After Lincoln’s inauguration it became apparent that 


the governor’s prognostications of peace without attempt 
at disunion were mistaken. The Southern states were, 
in fact, forming a separate government and the general 
government was doing nothing to prevent it. Some 
Republicans seemed to be indifferent on the subject. 


Israel Washburn, the Eldest Son 93 


GerorcE F. TaLBot To WasHBURN 


Mathias—March 21, 1861. 

Dear Governor: . . . Well we are getting along as well 
as we could expect. Maine was saved from disgracing 
herself. The President turned up on our side. No com- 
promises were adopted. The crisis will continue. The 
South will stay seceded, and ought to. Success to the New 
Confederacy at least until they are wholly and irreclaimably 
gone from us! All the Slave States ought to go with them, 
and be encouraged to go rather than bribed to stay. At 
the least a decision to stay in the Union ought to be regarded 
as a decision to enter upon a course of gradual emancipation. 
Let us not have the shame and peril of disunion, and yet 
retain the element of our danger and weakness. I go for 
a new Capital on Lake Erie, the acquisition of Canada and 
the provinces, a Rail Road from Lake Superior to Puget 
Sound, a great empire on both sides the Great Lakes and 
Maine, the great commercial point of entering and depar- 
ture of a gigantic European trade! 

Accept my own and Mrs. T’s acknowledgment for the 
honor conferred upon us by Mrs. Washburn’s invitation to 
her levee in the capital which circumstances made it im- 
possible for us to accept. 

Truly yours. 


The next month brought matters to a crisis and the 
letters to Governor Washburn show the various aspects it 
assumed. 


Moncure DaniEL Conway To WASHBURN 


Commonwealth Office Boston, April 6. 
Hon. Israel Washburn: 

My dear Sir: As everything in England just now, as con- 
cerns our country, turns upon the Slavery question—which 
lots of Southerners are trying to smother over there—the 
friends of our cause (particularly P. A. Taylor,—M. P. 


94 


Israel, Elihu and Cadwallader Washburn 
for Leicester; F. W. Newman and S. D. Collett) think they 


could make much of their side if they had me over there to 
give my lectures on Slavery as it is. This has been re- 
sponded to by some gentlemen over here who have given 
something towards paying my expenses for spending 4 or 
5 months over there, speaking at Union and Emancipation 
meetings etc. on all occasions. On diligent inquiry we 
find that I shall need upwards of a thousand dollars (the 
way gold is now selling). Itis thought best not to make any 
public call on the subject but to solicit subscriptions from a 
few persons who, it may be supposed, would be interested 
in the matter. 

We have already had raised here about $600—Can you 
or any friends near you in any way swell the amount? If 
so please send what you can give to Wendell Phillips, Esq., 
or to 

Yours cordially. 
P. S. I shall probably go next Saturday per “City of 
Washington” from New York, but whatever is sent will be 
sent out to me as [ need it. Kind regards and adieus to 


Mrs. W. 


From J. G. FELLOWES 


Nashville, Tenn. Apr. 24th 1861. 

My dear Sir: When I had the pleasure to rec. a letter 
from you a few weeks since, I little thought that we were 
upon the eve of events such as are now transpiring. I am 
impelled to address you this letter, by the desire that you 
should understand the state of public sentiment here. I 
greatly fear that the position of Tenn. and of the other 
Border States has been misapprehended at the North. But 
if this has been the case, that error with reference to the 
sentiments of the people of Tenn. at least is about to be 
dissipated. 

I was in Nashville yesterday. It was a day of more 
intense excitement than I have ever before witnessed. But 
a few weeks ago we had an exciting canvass for delegates to 
the State Convention: I then saw the Candidates of the 


Israel Washburn, the Eldest Son 95 


Union party stand up before the people and plead the cause 
of the Union with an energy and a pathos that I have never 
before witnessed. You are apprised of the result of that 
election. Out of about 4000 votes in this County but 700 
were given for the Secession candidates. But yesterday I 
saw the same Union candidates stand up before the same 
people and, with sad countenances and tremulous voices 
tell them that the last lingering ray of hope had been extin- 
guished. ‘That the events which were upon them, and 
which had been brought upon them without any agency of 
theirs, had rendered it indispensable that they should arm 
in defence of the rights of the South—that her destiny must 
be our destiny. There are but two classes of men here. 
All who are not secessionists, proclaim themselves revolu- 
tionists. I am satisfied that no man could have carried the 
flag of the deserted Union through the streets of Nashville 
yesterday without being in danger of losing his life. I 
suppose that Andrew Johnson is the most odious man 
among all parties in Tenn. of any man in America, not 
excepting Mr. Lincoln himself,—for it is thought here that 
he has been instrumental in misleading the North with 
respect to the public sentiment of the State. 

We are now on the eve of momentous events. It is 
impossible to foresee the result. But knowing as I do, 
the feeling of the Slaveholding States, I feel safe in predict- 
ing, that if this contest is to end in the subjugation of the 
South neither you nor I shall live to see the return of peace. 
No earthly power can conquer a people, animated with the 
spirit that now pervades this people. They may be exter- 
minated but they will never be conquered. While the 
minds of men are in such a state of excitement there are 
men at the North who take a diabolical satisfaction in add- 
ing fuel to the flame. One gentleman in Nashville received 
a letter yesterday from Philadelphia boasting that they 
were going to march an army of 25000 negroes upon the 
South to set the Slaves free. Another gentleman received 
a document yesterday from the North, on which was written 
“John Brown is not dead.” Are you surprised that the 
public mind is excited here under such circumstances? 


96 


Israel, Elihu and Cadwallader Washburn 


Whatever may be your opinion respecting the originators 
of this unhappy strife I think you must at least allow the 
merit of sincerity to the great masses of the Southern 
people. They do most sincerely and religiously believe, 
that their all is at stake. With them it appears a life and 
death struggle. I have lived in Tenn. for sixteen years and 
never did I hear a disunion sentiment expressed until the 
last few months. 

It has cost the people of Tenn. and Ky. as well as Va. 
a mighty struggle to come to the conclusion, at which they 
have now arrived. I see no means by which the dreadful 
calamity of civil war can be averted. I pray God to raise 
up some arm sufficiently powerful to quell the rising storm. 

I have spent the best part of my life among the people 
of the South. All my earthly interests are identified with 
them. I am incapable of becoming disloyal to them in this, 
the hour of their calamity. I have witnessed the heroic 
struggle of that gallant band of loyal men who succeeded 
in driving back the waves of secession from our borders. 
I had rejoiced greatly in the result of that contest. But 
alas the events of the last few days have made it a barren 
victory. I was at church this morning, at a quiet little 
country church. I heard a lady remark after I returned 
home that every lady in the church was weeping. Several 
of the young men, sons of the ladies present had volun- 
teered, and were expecting to be ordered away to the South. 

But I have written a longer letter than I intended. I 
should rejoice to hear something from you, to encourage 
the hope of a return of more peaceful times. 

I have spent the most of my life as a teacher, am still 
employed in that dignified vocation. 

Yours truly. 


. This letter would have dispelled, finally, the governor’s 
doubts about the South being in earnest, had not the 
President’s proclamation calling for 75,000 volunteers 
been issued, April 15, and already the state a camp. 


The following letters give an expression of its impetus. 


Israel Washburn, the Eldest Son 97 


J. C. Dickerson To WasHBURN 
Belfast, April 29/6r. 


Dear Governor: Sixty four men took the oath today in 
Capt. Cunningham’s company and many more are ready 
to join. 

Capt. Marshal is fast filling up the City Grays who now 
number 45. Mr. Nickerson, my deputy at Searsport, is 
doing a fine business—thirty enlisted the first day, and ten 
have gone over from this place this morning. This company 
will be full I presume, this week. The solid men of Sears- 
port without distinction of party, are nobly urging on the 
volunteers.— 

A few traitors here have embarrassed enlistment, but 
they are now spotted, and can do little harm. 

Report says that the people surrounded the house of 
Webster Treat, of Frankfort, and that he fled to escape the 
halter. This is the same Treat that wrote to Atlanta Ga. 
last January? assuring the traitors that the “black repub- 
licans” had got to walk over the dead bodies of 53,000 
democrats before they could reach the south. 

I think that another company could be raised here, 
now that the war spirit is fully aroused. 

I am looking after matters in a quiet way. 
Truly Yours 


P.S. A.D. Bean of Brooks is laboring hard to get up a 
company—lI learn from a good Union man of that town, 
that Andrew is really in earnest, enlisted 12 the first day 
and has a good prospect of filling up his company in a few 
days—The town of Brooks has called a town meeting to 
aid in the cause. 


THD! 


F. H. Morse to WasHBURN 


London, May 25th, 1861. 
My dear Governor: I often think of you and my native 
State in these striving times. Unfortunate and sad as the 


98 


Israel, Elihu and Cadwallader Washburn 


condition of things is in our country, Americans never had 
occasion to feel more proud of their country than now. The 
universal and patriotic uprising of a great people for the 
preservation of their government and free institutions is a 
most grand exhibition and one that will make a mark in 
history. It is looked upon in Europe with astonishment, 
though a great many trading people with the London Times 
as their organ are continually grumbling at the North, 
say we want to oppress them and ought to let them go 
peaceably etc. We have constantly to battle against wrong 
impressions here. Many merchants here are very ignorant 
about American affairs, and I can add with justice rather 
selfish and can see no merit in anything that don’t tend to 
advance their trade. But I believe the heart of the English 
nation is sound and in sympathy with the North in the 
great struggle going on there. 

I keep a close lookout for all shipments of munitions of 
war intended for the rebels, ships and suspicious craft of 
every kind. On landing at Liverpool and finding no consul 
there and no one taking much interest I employed a man 
from our State who happened to be there, just the right 
sort of man to keep on the lookout for all the movements of 
traders in that port. ‘They do not find ready success here 
in purchasing goods because their credit is not very good 
and they have now much trouble or would have if at- 
tempted, in shipping anything. No doubt they get off 
some stuff to Cuba and ports in the Gulf of Mexico, taking 
their chance in getting them in. 

My main object in writing to you now is to say if our 
State wants any rifles to arm our troops the best English 
rifle made can now be had here by ordering at once of Mr. 
Crowningshield the authorized agent for Massachusetts. 
He came over with me and brought letters of credit for 
large sums and has fortunately secured all the first class 
rifles that were for sale in London, Birmingham, etc. and 
all that can be made for some months. There are plenty of 
guns they call first class but for some defect they have been 
rejected. Mr. C. has with him a practical gun maker from 
Springfield, from the Ames factory, and a member of the 


Israel Washburn, the Eldest Son 99 


firm. He has lived in London two or three years setting up 
machinery from America for manufacturing arms and has 
great facilities, being known to all the master gun makers. 
He with his men, inspects all Massachusetts purchases 
and they are equal to any rifle now in use. These rifles can 
be delivered in the States for about $16—each, a perfect 
article, lower than rejected guns can be delivered for by 
some other parties purchasing here because there is no 
commission or profit to pay on them. If you want any for 
our volunteers therefore you can get a cheaper and better 
article in this way than in any other. They are, Mr. 
McFarland the practical man from Mass.,—says equal to 
the best Springfield U. States gun. Ohio has a part of the 
Massachusetts purchase, but Maine can be supplied if in 
want. About 2000 are shipped per week, the Whitworth 
and other rifles. Cannon can be also had; also steamers 
suitable for any purpose, only we must be a little careful 
how we reach them. 

If I can be of any aid to our good old State please com- 
mand me. With my best regards to Mrs. Washburn I 
remain. 

Yours truly. 


Bion BrapBURY TO WASHBURN 


Strictly confidential. Eastport, July 27, 1861. 

My dear Sir: I esteem it as of the highest importance, 
nay as indispensable to the full success of the Government 
in suppressing the rebellion, that the free States should 
remain united in their feelings of loyalty. 

It cannot have escaped your observation that in some 
democratic quarters an attempt is making to alienate the 
people from the noble cause in which we are engaged. To 
arouse the Spirit of party, with its prejudices, its pride, its 
resentments, its animosities, its spirit of revenge, is now the 
work of a class of men who cannot forget party long enough 
to save the country. 

That the Republican party, (I should speak more cor- 
rectly perhaps to say individuals in the Republican party) 
is furnishing the material for the organization of an anti- 


I00 


Israel, Elihu and Cadwallader Washburn 


war party by very injudicious language and by some most 
indiscreet acts, is very apparent. 
I am very desirous that the unity of the loyal sentiment 
in the North should be maintained, for transparent reasons. 
Allow me to suggest to you that it would be wise to offer 
a commission as Colonel to Gen. S. I. Anderson of Port- 
land. I saw him last week. His sympathies are with the 
South—but he is a high-toned, honorable man. He is the 
best military man now in the State, and would make the 
best Colonel of any man in the State. We need such men 
in the service. If he accepts, he will make a true, loyal 
and noble officer— if he declines, it can do you no harm, nor 
the cause. Excuse me for making the suggestion to you out 
of regard to the deep interest I take in the success of our 
arms and in the maintainence of the Government. 
Very truly and respectfully 
Yours. 


SECOND TERM OF GOVERNORSHIP 


On August 7, 1861, at a convention held at Augusta, 
Mr. Washburn was nominated for a second term as 
governor without opposition and elected September 9. 
The vote was light but his majority of the year before well 
sustained. The Democratic candidate, Mr. Jameson, 
polled about half as many votes as Mr. Washburn, al- 
though a large number of the Republican voters were at 
the front with the army. | 

Mr. Blaine did not oppose his nomination. Blaine’s 
power had increased. He was at the head of the party 
organization and was Speaker of the House of Repre- 
sentatives of Maine. Although he did not enter Congress 
till 1863 he went to Washington unofficially and looked 
after the interests of the state with his characteristic 
restless energy. 


BLaInE TO WASHBURN 


Washington, 19 Sep, 1861. 

My dear Sir: My work here this week has been like 
fighting “beasts at Ephesus.” The Qr. Mr’s Dept. were de- 
termined to furnish the clothing from New York and the 
horses, and outfit here—merely giving Maine the privilege 
of raising the Men—Mry protest against, and denunciation 
of, such a course was emphatic if not eloquent and I soon 
drove old Sibley into the instructions which have been 
already forwarded to you—Tents he was bent on furnish- 
ing here—but he at last yielded that point too—So that 
Maine will be allowed to furnish everything she can and the 
two Regiments, one of Infantry and Cavalry will disburse 
some $350,000 of Federal Money in our good State—I 
feel therefore that I have effected something for the common 

101 


102 


Israel, Elihu and Cadwallader Washburn 


weal—The great point with Q. M. Dept. was that the Pa. 
Regt of Cavalry and Young’s Ky Cavalry, . . . had their 
horses furnished here—No other inspection of horses is to 
be ordered either—Maine, or elsewhere, except such as you 
direct—the limitation being small as to price—$120 in 
Washington— 

You will observe that all outlays under Q. M’s Dept will 
be paid by Capt. Kensel—Stationed at Boston—Expenses 
of enlistment, etc. and recruiting—as well as of subsistence 
before Muster and such other charges as are designated in 
G. O. No. 70 will be paid by the Mustering Officer— 
(Entre nous) Capt. Hight will be relieved—I have effected 
the point without any stir or doing anything to wound 
feelings—Please not put this letter on public files as there 
is no need of having it known why he is relieved—The funds 
will be at your command just as rapidly as the bills are 


- audited—so there is nothing to prevent going ahead in the 


most lively style—Have the Cavalry consist of 12 Com- 
panies by all means—Such is the universal advice here— 

In addition to the Gen. orders already forwarded, spe- 
cifically bearing on your official duties, I send you this A. 
M. all that have been issued touching the Volunteer Service 
and have procured a promise from the A. A. G. Ruggles 
that all that may be issued in future shall be regularly 
forwarded to you— 


BLAINE To WASHBURN 


Private and confidential. Washington 22 Sept.—1861. 
My dear Sir: Alex. Cummings of the N. Y. World—the 
most intimate friend perhaps that Cameron has—will be 
made a Brig. Genl. in the course of a few days—I have the 
best reason to know that Cameron desires that he may have 
a Brigade raised specially for him consisting of three In- 
fantry Regts.—a Battery of Artillery and a Squadron or 
possibly Battalion of Cavalry—Not that these precise 
forces will necessarily or even probably be under his com- 
mand permanently, but that he may appear to have good 
reasons at the outset for entering the service and receiving 


Israel Washburn, the Eldest Son 103 


a commission—He will receive full authority from the War 
Dept. for raising said forces with ample funds to pay all 
expenses in the very highest style of outfit and equipment— 
It will be a good thing I think to reserve one of our future 
Regts. for this Brigade as Cameron is very anxious to have 
one from Maine—and of course it will make no odds to the 
State for whose Brigade the Regt, is nominally raised— 
Cummings is a man of superior ability—very—I doubt if a 
single officer, from outside the Regulars, is his equal—He 
has surprising executive ability—I will more fully explain 
all the points of the case verbally when I reach home.— 
Meanwhile all I wish to accomplish is, file the application 
so that you will make no disposition of the future Regts. 
inconsistent with furnishing one for this Brigade—lIt is on 
the ground principally of obliging Cameron that I wish the 
arrangement made—It will not hurt our State any, in 
dealings at the War Dept, to make this little arrangement— 
Very hastily yours. 


Governor Washburn’s second message to the legislature 
was a war message. He said that slaveholding politicians 
had discovered that the free states were unwilling that the 
government should be changed from its original character 
and administered solely in the interest of slaveholders. 
The question was simply how to save the Union. “At 
the present time and under existing circumstances, a condi- 
tional Union man is an unconditional traitor.” He re- 
counted his efforts to have the coast of Maine fortified. 
For more than 400 miles the state was separated from 
British territory by an imaginary line and the population 
was bitterly hostile. The best means of defense of the 
state—the territory which had been ceded to Canada by 
the treaty of Washington—had been taken from the state 
by the United States, and he was reminded of the memo- 
rable declaration of Maine’s governor at the time—“ Maine 
has not been treated as she has endeavored to deserve.” 


104 Israel, Elihu and Cadwallader Washburn 


Then began the excitement and confusion of mobiliza- 
tion. The first regiment of volunteers raised and equipped 
by the state had been mustered into service May 3, 1861. 
All told the state had furnished 17,124 men, an excess 
of 578 of the quota required. 


VicE PRESIDENT HANNIBAL HAMLIN TO WASHBURN 


| Wash. Feb 1, 1862. 
Dear Gov: Your letter of the 28th ult is recd. I have 
seen the Secy today, the troops at Augusta will have early 
orders to move, and in strict confidence. I will say that they 
will form a part of the expedition against New Orleans—I 
so understand it—My relations with the Secy. are close and 

intimate, and what I relate must be inter nos. 

It is now confidently believed that Bright will be expelled. 

Yours truly. 


BLAINE TO WASHBURN 


Washington 26 April, 1862. 

My dear Sir: Mr. Chase writes you by this mail quite 
fully in regard to our proceedings thus far with the ac- 
counts.—I think there will be no difficulty whatever in pro- 
curing seasonably a formal credit for the payment of our 
tax, but in order to insure this with promptness I think it 
indispensable that you execute and forward a release of so 
much of our claim as will balance the tax—in accordance 
with the provisions of the Act of August 5, 1861—The form 
of release can best be determined by yourself. 

I think there is every prospect of our accts. passing with 
trifling qualifications. The auditing officers speak highly 
of the manner in which they have been kept—placing them 
in this respect equal to if not superior to those of any other 
State. I write this fact as Mr. Chase’s modesty will hardly 
allow him to refer to it specifically. Forward the Release 
to Mr. Chase at Willards. Our Cavalry Regt. is all under 
Banks command but is divided; 7 companies being near 
Warrenton and 5 down the Valley towards Staunton. The 


Israel Washburn, the Eldest Son 105 


impression is that they will all be united ere long in a grand 
movement on Richmond. Every one of our Regts. lately 
on the Potomac is now at Yorktown except the roth which 
is with Banks.—I am promised at the Adjt. General’s an 
official statement for you, showing in detail the location of 
each Regt. and Battery—Tillson, fully armed and equipped, 
is now near Acquia Creek in McDowell’s Corps. All the 
other Batteries are on Capitol Hill—Leppier I understand 
will receive his outfit quite speedily—No special promise 
for the rest. 

There is some uneasiness felt here in regard to Mc- 
Clellan—“ Pony” stock with the knowing was never 
lower—Halleck since reinforced by Pope, is regarded as 
safe and sure agt. Beauregard— 

In haste 
Yours truly. 


BLAINE TO WASHBURN 


Washington; 4th May 1862; 
My dear Sir: My wife has been very ill for ten days past 
at Willard’s. ‘Today is the first time she has been able to 
sit up—This will account to you for my silence on business 
matters which however I have not neglected and in regard 
to which I will communicate as promptly as I can—This 
note is merely explanatory and apologetic 
1F, A. P. is in Cincinnati—went about a week since— 
[ saw him several times after I came and talked with him 
on certain matters—His suggestion was based on the condi- 
tion of removal and in that event was well based but the 
impression now is that Gideon will not go out—Your 
friend Sedgwick’s eloquence and logic saved him from a vote 
of censure—whereat he is greatly rejoiced—and little in- 
clined now to “‘move his boots” — 
But more again on this and other p’ints— 
Very truly yours. 





1 Frederick A. Pike, a Republican member from Maine, chairman of the Com. 
mittee on Naval Affairs, who apparently had aspirations to succeed Gideon 
Welles as Secretary of the Navy. 


106 Israel, Elihu and Cadwallader Washburn 


The successor of Hamlin in the Senate was as we have 
seen Lot M. Morrill. He had been Washburn’s immediate 
predecessor as governor, and the unexpired term of Hamlin 
which he was filling out would terminate in 1863. In 
spite of all efforts to induce him to serve again as governor, 
Washburn declined positively. He did not become a can- 
didate for the Senate; but he would have done so had the 
times been propitious. They were not so, Morrill and 
Blaine being in league, and Blaine being the chairman of 
the Republican State Committee. Nevertheless, the 
Washburn following assumed that he would regularly 
contest for the seat. 


J. W. WaKEFIELD TO WASHBURN 


Bath, Me. May 2oth, 1862. 
Strictly Confidential 
Hon. I. Washburn Jr. 

Sir: Many and by far the better portion of the Repub- 
lican Party of our City, prefer your election to the Senator- 
ship, instead of the present incumbent, and presuming you 
are to be a candidate, we would like to know if you have any 
preference, as to candidate for Governor, as the Governor 
no doubt will have, (and undoubtedly will exert) consider- 
able influence in the election of a Senator. 

Weare soon to hold a caucus for the selection of delegates 
to the State Convention and no doubt the present office 
holders who are very strong Morrill men, (for corruption 
clings to corruption) will exert themselves to secure a 
Morrill delegation. We are in hopes to fairly and honorably 
control the caucus. 

A very strong effort will be made by them to send one if 
not two Morrill Representatives to the Legislature from this 
place. We are very confident that Bath will send two Anti 
Morrill Rep—as Mr Gilman goes to Portland and there- 
fore is out of the way. Mr. Hayden will be returned with- 
out doubt. ; 


Israel Washburn, the Eldest Son 107 


We shall have an eye single to our Senatorial Convention, 
and shall try to have a delegation of the right kind. 

Should you have any preference for Governor, and no 
objection to expressing your choice, should be pleased to 
know it so we may so work. An early answer will greatly 
oblige. 

Please direct your letter to my address, ‘ Brunswick,” 
Maine and I will go there for it. 

I remain, 
Very truly Yours. 


In September, 1862, there was another and more formal 
gathering of governors of loyal states. There was a general 
cooperation among them; but when Governor Randall of 
Wisconsin had proposed that the general government be 
asked to pay the governors the same salary as major 
generals received Washburn responded rather coolly. His 
own salary from the State of Maine was $1500. The 
state provided no house for the governor and Mr. Wash- 
burn’s private fortune was small. 


Madison, Wis. Dec. 23d, 1861. 
His Excellency 
Gov. Washburn, Maine 
Dear Sir: It seems to me that the large amount of labor 
and responsibility thrown upon the Executives of the 
several States during the past season, entitles them to some 
consideration at the hands of Congress. In all cases where 
forces enough have been sent from any State to entitle 
the State to an appointment of Major General, the Gov- 
ernor ought to be paid the compensation of a Major Gen- 
eral. In all other cases to be paid the compensation of a 
Brigadier General, and Congress ought to make an ap- 
propriation for the purpose. I propose that we make 
common cause with our members of Congress to favor such 
an act. If the idea meets with your approval please cor- 
respond with your members on the subject. 
Very Respectfully. 


108 Israel, Elihu and Cadwallader Washburn 


WASHBURN TO ALEX. W. RANDALL 


(Augusta) Jan. 1, 1862. 
His Excellency 

Gov. Randall, 

Dear Sir: I have your letter in reference to the compensa- 
tion equitably due from the U. S. to the Governors of Loyal 
States for the large amount of labor and responsibility 
thrown upon them by the exigencies of the War. I have 
said nothing to the delegation in Congress from Maine on 
the subject but have thought I might well leave it to their 
discretion and sense of propriety. 

I have the honor to be 
Very truly yours. 


For the next term Abner Corbin of Skowhegan was 
chosen as the Republican candidate for governor. Prob- 
ably he would not have been Washburn’s choice, as he had 
been his chief rival for the first nomination when he was 
supported by the Blaine wing of the party. He had been 
a member of the legislature, was of respectable parts and 
popular because of his philanthropy, but he was unknown 
beyond the borders of his state and commanded no such 
influence in Maine as Washburn did. 

Mr. Blaine, however, continued to look out for the 
state’s interests in Washington and kept Washburn in- 
formed of events. 


BLAINE TO WASHBURN 


Washington 31. Oct. 1862. 
My dear Governor: I have not been able to see the 
Presdt. on the matter of the release of Turner (?) and 
Hunter though I tried several times—I could not go to 
Stanton but I went to his shadow, Watson (Assistant 
Secretary of War) and exasperated, well—Watson was very 


Israel Washburn, the Eldest Son 10g 


much mortified—says Draper grossly exceeded his authority 
and acted the fool egregiously—Said he would go to 
Stanton at once and if you desired it would order the 
rearrest of the parties—but this I told him was no way of 
mending the matter—I read your wrathful letter to him 
and “took on” well myself—Growling and abusing them 
is all that is left in this case and I endeavored to do that 
well— 

Hathaway is doing a good business here as Agent—He 
wants assistance and really needs it—His Bro-in-law S. J. 
Tenney would like to come for mere expenses and Hathaway 
would like to have him— 

You can judge best yourself of the expediency of the 
arrangement— 

Had a good chat with Fighting Joe Hooker the other 
day—He says “‘he is tired of winning victories for a Genl. 
who is incompetent to take advantage of them’”—He is 
awfully down on McClellan—so is Halleck— . . . Hooker 
warmly applauds Barry—says he is “practical, intelligent, 
enterprising, intrepid and devoted” — 

Hastily Yours. 

I leave tomorrow for Pittsburgh. 


The following letter from Washburn’s friend, C. B. 
Sedgwick, illustrates the demoralization in Washington 
in the winter of 1862. Others also give evidence of it. 


I expect to see you on here every day at the head of the 
Maine Militia. Our functionaries were terribly frightened 
on Tuesday and proceeded at once to make plain to the 
world that they were asses. I confess to great mortifica- 
tion. Washington is in just about as much danger as 
Augusta yet twice this winter our Cabinet officers have been 
frightened to death. When the Merrimack made her first 
appearance in Hampton roads Stanton collected all the 
Canal boats together in the channel of the Potomac and now 
he has frightened the North out of a years growth because 
Stonewall Jackson has driven one of our Generals back a 
Sabbath days journey in the Valley. I fear Stanton is a 


IIO Israel, Elihu and Cadwallader Washburn 


little light headed and faint hearted and deficient in that 
genuine “Teutonic pluck”’ which is the element of success. 
However, if it brings you down here at the head of the wood- 
choppers I shall not regret it so much; altho, I don’t like the 
steamer to take out the news— 

I suppose you read the papers yet? If so you may have 
noticed my ferocious speech in favour of recruiting our 
armies from the loyal men of the South and appointing 
Robert Small Military Govr. of So. Carolina. I will send 
you a copy when it is in pamphlet. 

“Be you” coming here as Senator soon? It is time and 
I hope to see you in that position before long. 


We must try to keep the chain bright. Preserve the 
consolations of private friendship if we do not save the 
Country. 

Most truly Yours. 


On January 5, 1863, Governor Washburn gave a recep- 
tion to the council and heads of the state departments and 
addressed them in a short speech thanking them for the 
loyal support they had given him in his administration and 
saying its success was due largely to them. The adjutant 
general replied that the success was due to the governor 
himself. He then bade them goodbye and soon afterwards 
left Augusta. 

In the extraordinary crisis which had confronted him 
during his administration he had made no blunders, had 
shirked no responsibility, had brought his state through 
with high credit. In the list of great war governors to 
whom the country owed so much for the success of the 
Union cause, his name must always be included. How 
much the administration at Washington appreciated his 
capacity and accomplishment is shown by the constant 
demand for him in political circles and the admiration of 
those seeking him. 


Israel Washburn, the Eldest Son III 


Mr. Blaine was after him immediately: 


Augusta—19/Feby/63. 

Dear Governor: Mr. Young of the Republican State 
Comtee of N. H. came here yesterday expecting to find you 
here—as I telegraphed you— 

While awaiting your telegram in reply I beg to urge for 
Mr. Young for the cause, the absolute necessity of your 
going——They want you and you only and will take no 
negative answer— 

Do let me add an urgent word in their behalf——A 
speech from you in three or four of their largest towns 
next week or week after will be of immense value. 


BLAINE TO WASHBURN 


Augusta, 20 Aug 63. 

My Dr Govr: Your first appt for Augusta Monday 
next—Evening meeting—On your arrival come directly to 
my house—and stay there so long as you tarry in Augusta— 
next morning I will take you to Skowhegan in carriage with 
Gen. Howard—a pleasant ride of five hours— 

With kind greeting to Madame 
I am as ever 
Yours truly. 

The saintly Barber speaks with you here—Jewett with 

you at Skowhegan and Lewiston. 
B. 


BLAINE TO WASHBURN 


Washington; 21 Dec. 1863. 

Dear Governor: Kelley can’t come at all—Garfield 
won’t agree to consider the case till after his return from 
Ohio whither he goes to spend the recess—— 

I don’t know what kind of a talker Garfield is—His 
general cut and capacity disappoint me—He is a big good 
natured man that doesn’t appear to be oppressed with 
genius—— 

Hastily and truly. 


COLLECTOR OF THE PORT OF PORTLAND 


Before the war the similarity between Lincoln’s and 
Washburn’s views had made itself manifest. Now as the 
war progressed this became even more evident. Doubtless 
Washburn coincided with the resolutions adopted early in 
1863 at Augusta—probably he had been consulted and 
advised what they should be. Benjamin Kingsbury, Jr., 
advised him March 4, 1863, what they were: 

“The resolutions do contain a full, square, undiluted 
endorsement of the Proclamation, of arming the blacks, of 
compensated emancipation and against a// compromise 
with rebels in arms.” 

Shortly after this Washburn’s name was sent to the 
Senate to be collector of customs for the port of Portland, 
Maine. Of federal offices this was the most desirable in the 
state. The salary was $6000 per annum, and there were 
fees of office, permitted at that time, which made it lucra- 
tive. The patronage was considerable and was in the 
collector’s hands. The collector was a political power. 
The administration was anxious to keep Mr. Washburn 
actively on its side. 


SECRETARY SALMON P. CHASE To WASHBURN 


Unofficial. Washington Nov. 5, 1863. 

My dear Governor: Yours of 3Ist is just received. I 
am glad you accept, though I hold my opinion that it is 
not what should be tendered to you; and I don’t wonder 
that it is not quite to your taste. 

What would you say to taking the position of Supervising 
Special Agent for the other Special Agency comprising 

112 


Israel Washburn, the Eldest Son 113 


North Carolina? The compensation is not large—$6 per 
day and Io cts per mile travel with some percentage which 
will add perhaps $500 per annum; but the post is important; 
next indeed to that of the Commanding General. The 
Regulation enclosed herewith will show the duties. The 
place is still not right for you, but the best I can offer; and 
you would give great weight and character to the place. 
Faithfully your friend. 


CHASE TO WASHBURN 


Treasury Department, January 29, 1864. 

Sir: Accept my thanks for the article you sent me. It is 
marked by your usual vigor and justice of thought. 

I have long been anxious to make a change in the Third 
Auditorship, but have been utterly unable to find a person 
who would take it, who was in all respects competent. I 
have thought a long while of writing to you about taking it, 
but I felt ashamed just as I did in respect to the Collector- 
ship, to offer you a place so much below your merit. If, 
however, you can waive considerations personal to your- 
self in favor of patriotism, as you did in the case of the 
Collectorship, I shall be very glad to name you to the Pres- 
ident as the Third Auditor of the Treasury. 

Yours very cordially. 
P.S. Fessenden whom I consulted on the question whether 
you would accept tells me what passed between you and 
himself in relation to Senatorship and Collectorship. He 
thinks and I think that your appointment here wd. not 
interfere with possibilities at home. I shall rejoice in any 
good that may come to you. 


WASHBURN TO CHASE 
Unofficial. Portland, Feby. 2, 1864. 


My dear Governor: You are more than kind to me. I 
sent you an article, and you offer me an office. 

I do not think that I am specially qualified for the labors 
and duties of an Auditor of the Treas’y, and I am certain 
that I should not like them. I am sure there are many who 


114 Israel, Elihu and Cadwallader Washburn 


can perform them better. So no sense of duty, (I will not 
say no sense of gratitude), urges me to accept the office to 
which you have generously proposed to recommend me. 
If I felt that I possessed any peculiar fitness for the place, I 
should undoubtedly hesitate to give the answer that I now 
feel I ought to give. I fully agree with you and Mr. 
Fessenden as to the effect of accepting this office upon an- 
other question—but in all such matters, at least, | am 
learning to leave the to-morrows to take care of them- 
selves. With perennial thanks for your confidence, I 
remain 


Faithfully yours. 


So he continued to serve as collector and in due season 
events shaped themselves so that the senatorship eluded 
his grasp again. People outside of Maine depended on him 
to see that the state should stand firm in support of the 
war and set an example for other Northern states to fol- 
low. 


Joun Attison To WasHBURN 


Pittsburgh, Pa. Aug. 25, 1864. 

A long time;—some years have intervened and buried 
its dead and filled its pages of history since I had a letter 
from you. 

Now in this gloomy hour I feel like asking ‘Watchman 
what of the night?”’ How is the Eastern horizon? Does 
Maine stand fast in this hour of plots and treason within 
the free States, to aid bolder but not wickeder plotters and 
traitors who have been warring upon the Union for three 
years past? 

Traitors stand thick through all the land, and the heart 
would grow faint at the prospect, were it not that at sucha 
time it would be half treason to quail before the menaces 
of Conspirators who love their party better than their 
Country. 

Maine speaks first. Will she speak words of Comfort 
and Encouragement to the Loyal or to the Disloyal? 


Israel Washburn, the Eldest Son 115 


I have confidence in Maine that she will stand by the 
Government in its hour of extremest peril. 

Suppose we should elect “‘a peace man,” What then?— 
an armistice of 6 months—followed by the firm Unalterable 
decision of Jeff Davis and his associates in treason, that 
they want no peace that does not secure to them the Inde- 
pendence of the Confederate Government. They want no 
restoration of the old Union, “Or the Constitution as it is, 
and the Union as it was.” 

You and I know the men who plunged this country into 
this war, Davis, Toombs, Slidell, Mason etc.: I could 
weep over the credulity of honest men who really love the 
Country, and wish to be loyal to it, who are made to believe 
that there is a possibility of a restoration of the Union by 
negotiation. The madness of party I fear, will do what open 
treason could not do,—destroy the Union. 'Two years ago 
I took it upon myself to write to Mr. Chase that unless there 
was more Vigor in the management of the war, it would be 
prolonged until the approach of a presidential canvass 
when there would be great danger of the people becoming 
dissatisfied with the Administration, and hopes of a change 
for the better, trust the Government in the hands of those 
who have done everything they dare do, to encourage the 
rebels. I can see that there is a tremor in the minds of our 
leading Union men. It will become every true man to 
rouse himself, and appeal to his fellow men as he never 
appealed before, and rouse the latent patriotism of the 
Country. It can be done. 

I have thought Mr. Lincoln too slow, but the people 
believe him patriotic and honest and they have demanded 
his renomination. I have doubted the wisdom of making a 
nomination until the Sumner campaign was over,—in his 
election or defeat the Union is saved or lost. If the Demo- 
cratic party was governed by the purest patriots that ever 
blessed a land, and succeeded on a peace platform, the 
Union in my opinion is irretrievably lost. 

My hope is this. I cannot believe that the Discovery 
of this Continent, and the gradual molding of our institu- 
tions to be the result of accident. The people of this 


116 Israel, Elihu and Cadwallader Washburn 


country are to exemplify the possibility of establishing and 
sustaining a free Government. Sometimes my faith in man’s 
boasted capability to govern himself under such a govern- 
ment, grows weak. Can you strengthen it my old friend? 


Henry J. Raymond, Chairman of the National Union 
Executive Committee wrote: 


New York, October 12, ’64. 
Can you not come into New York and help us during 
the canvas? We shall have large meetings, intelligent 
auditors and everything to make your service agreeable and 
valuable. 


The fears which Allison set forth proved to be illusive. 
Mr. Lincoln was elected easily enough, but after his death, 
April 15, 1865, the original Republicans were in great un- 
easiness over the question of the policy of Andrew John- 
son who had started as a Democrat. Mr. Washburn had 
always been a friend of Seward’s and if he had sympa- 
thized with the efforts of the Republicans in Congress to 
induce Mr. Lincoln to dismiss Seward, he has left no 
record of it. On June 12, 1865, George E. Baker from 
Washington wrote: 


Lincoln and Seward never disagreed in but one subject— 
that was the colonization of the negroes—whether Johnson 
is to be so fortunate we don’t know but I hope so. 


BLAINE TO WASHBURN 


Confidential Augusta, 24 Nov. 1865, 

My Dear Governor: I have not been able to find a day 
to run up to Portland—though I greatly desire to see you 
for the purpose of comparing notes on sundry topics both 
state and national—I expect now to leave home on Monday 


Israel Washburn, the Eldest Son 117 


next and I would be very glad if you would ride with me 
from Portland to the Berwick Junction— 

In regard to the Governorship, I feel very friendly to 
Spring—I like him personally—know him to be a man of 
capacity, scope and integrity and should feel greatly pleased 
with his elevation to the Executive chair—The only diffi- 
culty I see in his way is in Dane coming forward prom- 
inently as a candidate by which I should be personally 
embarrassed—and this section of the state would be hard 
to control—A collision of this kind must be avoided—It 
is the interest of Portland to avoid it—and unless it is 
avoided it is by no means certain that the West would 
secure the nomination at all—The “far East” has certain 
schemes on foot and all of Hamlin’s followers will be hostile 
to Spring—and to Dane also—though not in so great a 
degree—Spring’s friends must therefore arrange with Dane 
as the first step—that the latter shall not be a candidate— 
This settled, my judgment is that Spring will have “‘a clear 
coast and an easy sail”—I write this to you in a confidential 
way though I have no objections to your showing it to 
Spring if you desire—I presume he counts me among his 
friends—and he is one of the very few in Portland whom I 
have reckoned as friendly to me— 

Let me repeat that the West must not divide—Division 
must be dangerous—may be fatal. There has always been 
a good deal of talk about Kennebec tactics—The only 
secret we have here is unity of purpose and union of 
strength—The West is entirely welcome to our Patent 
right—and I commend it most heartily to their adoption 
at the next State Convention— 

I write very hastily—or I would say more—Don’t fail 
to let me see you on Monday at the Depot even if you will 
not ride with me to Berwick. 


When the contest between Congress and the President 
came, Washburn took sides with the majority of his party 
whose views the Republicans in Congress interpreted 
correctly. 


118 


Israel, Elihu and Cadwallader Washburn 


Joun Lyncu To WASHBURN 


Confidential. Washington, D. C. Feby rst. 1866. 

I write tonight to answer your enquiry as to what I think 
of the “signs of the times.” Perhaps I feel a little blue 
just now, but I must say that if I read the signs aright we 
are again to pass through another crisis which will test 
our Republican form of Govt. and the virtue of our people 
as severely as they have been tested since the Commence- 
ment of the rebellion. I hope a rupture may be prevented 
by Congress showing a firm and undivided front but I fear 
the worst. You have no doubt read Raymond’s last speech 
and noticed his vote on the Constitutional amendment. 
That he spoke by authority, and voted as directed, I have 
no doubt. That the Prest is opposed to the Suffrage bill 
and to the Constitutional amendment which has just 
passed the house, I think there is no doubt. That the 
House should pass both of these measures by so strong a 
vote, fully understanding the views of the Prest is one of the 
hopeful signs of the times. Judge Kelley informs me that 
the President is making a direct issue with him in the 
matter of appointments and that the Secy of the Treasy 
informed him that his appointments were not sent to 
Senate, (for his dist.) because the men were understood to 
oppose the policy of the President. From these “straws” 
you can judge something of how the wind blows. 

Yours truly. 


But he had a more hopeful view from Seward: 


Private. Washington, February 15, 1866. 
Present restoration of the Union seems to be the present 
policy of the President. It does not yet seem to engage the 
action of Congress. My own judgment is that this thing 
ought not to be left undone, while I can very well see that 
some things which are projected may well be left undone. 

Faithfully 
Your friend. 


Israel Washburn, the Eldest Son 11g 


From others a different story came. John Lynch again 
wrote in a pessimistic way. 


Confidential. Washington, D. C. Feby 21, 1866. 

Dear Sir: The break has at last come and the President 
has thrown himself ‘body and boots” into the hands of the 
Copperheads. Whatever is intended, this must be the 
result. ‘Third parties cannot exist in these times. The 
Copperheads can adopt any policy the President may 
indicate; there is no trouble on that score; but there is 
one thing they neither can nor will do, and that is abandon 
their organization or party name. The President with all 
his power and patronage cannot swallow the Democratic 
party; it must swallow him and his “conservative friends.” 
There is no despondency here, but a firm determination 
among the Members of Congress, to assert and maintain 
the legitimate powers of Congress in the settlement of 
the questions now agitating the Country. 

It is not, as you will see by reading the “‘ veto Message,” 
simply a question as to whether ¢his particular bill shall 
become a law, but whether Congress is a part of the Govt. 
Notice the monstrous and arrogant assumption, that the 
Members of Congress represent only localities, (as though 
the aggregate did not completely represent the whole) 
while the President is a representative of the whole people, 
and the peculiar guardian of the rights, and interests of the 
unrepresented States. This is modest for a man chosen 
to preside over the Senate, and made President by an 
assassin. I send you the “Chronicle,” by which you will 
see that Forney is right. If all the Union papers in the 
country would take the same ground and have the same 
ring there would be no trouble. We are to have a caucus 
tomorrow night. I think a Committee will be raised to 
circulate Documents. One hundred thousand of Trum- 
bull’s speeches will be sent to the Country. 

I have full faith that Congress will stand by the Country 
and that the Country will stand by Congress. 


120 


Israel, Elihu and Cadwallader Washburn 


BLAINE TO WASHBURN 
Washington D. C. 17 March 1867. 


Dear Governor: I have yr several favors—and am 
obliged therefor—You observed of course that the Bill 
containing Portland appropriations went through without 
trouble—As the items ran the gauntlet of the Comtee of 
the whole without challenge, they were of course safe in the 
House—and this fact I knew would be fully appreciated by 
you—and hence I did not telegraph anything in regard to 
final action— 

We are in a Muss here—and I suppose the rupture be- 
tween Congress and the Executive will be permanent—Il 
deeply regret it—and yet I do not see how it could have been 
avoided. The calamity is great—is overwhelming—I am 
less sanguine or have less faith than you in the future—I 
do not believe we can carry the House Reps in 40th Con- 
gress—The defection in New York is fearful—and we shall 
lose heavily in the states of Ohio, Penna. and Indiana. 
E. B. (Washburne) says we shall lose four members at 
least in Illinois—others say even more than this— 

Your old friend Seward is at the bottom of the mischief— 
and Congress has certainly not acted with super-eminent 
wisdom in the way of making up issues for the people. 

Regard this as confidential. 


BLAINE TO WASHBURN 


Washington D. C., 17 March 1867. 

Dear Governor: I think * Peters will be put on Territo- 
ries—which is very respectable for a first term—Much 
better deal than I got—My apprenticeship was on Post 
offices under”? Alley—The Post offices were not so bad— 
but Alley!!! 

However Peters will have similar grievance on Territo- 
ries with * Ashley at the head!! 


1 John A. Peters, of Bangor. 
* John B. Alley, a Republican, from Massachusetts. 
3 James M. Ashley, a Republican, from Ohio. 


Israel Washburn, the Eldest Son 121 


I tried to get him on Foreign Affairs—particularly on 
account of E. & N. A. R. R.—but the places on that 
Comtee. were all mortgaged— 

I think; at least I hope—that we shall adjourn by 
Friday or Saturday next—possibly sooner—The impeach- 
ment humbug is pretty well killed—and with it, its great 
apostle—Butler. He has fallen very flat in the House— 
even the pages recognize him as a failure—How surely a 
man gets taken down who essays to lead the House on his 
first entrance!! Several new Senators are committing 
suicide in the same way—most conspicuously Drake of 
Mo.—who is said to be really able—He jumps into the de- 
bates as though he thought all the chances of speaking 
would soon be exhausted. 

Hurriedly and very truly. 
Hon. I Washburn 

P. S. I saw the designs for your two new buildings 
yesterday at the Treasury—They will be very magnifi- 
cient, I fear extravagantly so!! 


eet 


BLAINE TO WASHBURN 


Augusta, 12 Sept. 1867. 

Dear Governor: Sound as usual. I agree with you 
entirely! I anticipated rather a dry year in ’67 and we have 
realized it—It will be good discipline in many ways and 
will I am sure be “blessed to us in the edification and build- 
ing up of the true faith”—I feel, I have for some time felt, 
that if we should carry everything with a whirl in ’67 such 
knaves as Ben Butler would control our National Con- 
vention and give us a nomination with which defeat would 
be inevitable if not desirable—Now Grant looms up as the 
savior alike of country and party—a necessity to both and 
under his dynasty (the best it will be since Taylor’s) such 
gentlemen as B. B. will not have much show for their 
schemes of humbug and repudiation. 

Can’t you drop down and see a body one of these days? 


122 


Israel, Elihu and Cadwallader Washburn 


Say come on a Saturday—and bring Madam—and spend 
Sunday with us—We can have some quiet talk and will 
give you the “stated preaching of the Gospel” with all the 
other Churchgoing you desire. . 


BLAINE TO WASHBURN 


Augusta, 4th Nov. 1867. 

Dear Governor: I have heard nothing further from you 
in regard to that Sunday you promised to spend with me 
in Augusta—Can you and Mrs. Washburn come down 
next Saturday? We shall be delighted to see you—.. . 
P.S. Gen. Saml. F. Hervey is to be in Bangor this week— 
and leaves I learn for the West immediately—He is our 
Maine member of the National Repub. Comtee. which 
meets in Washton. Dec. t1th.—If he does not intend to be 
present, I wish he would delegate me to act as his substi- 
tute—The Chairman of the State Republican Comtee. 
has been selected by other States to serve usually as the 
substitute—There are some matters in regard to time and 
place of holding National Conventions which Grant’s 
friends should look to carefully—for that reason I am anx- 
ious to have Maine properly represented on that 1ssue— 
Personally I do not of course care about acting on the 
Comtee.— 

Would you have any objection to writing Hervey and 
suggesting my name as his substitute—in the event of his 
inability to be present in person? ‘The suggestion of course 
would not come very gracefully from me—and if you have 
the slightest objection to making it just drop the matter— 
Of course Hervey should not know that I have written 
you. 

Truly yrs, 
PRG ALY 


LyncH To WASHBURN 


Washington, D. C. May 13th, 1868. 
Dear Gov.: Yours of the 12th ins. is at hand. The same 
feeling of gloom prevails here that you represent as pre- 


Israel Washburn, the Eldest Son 123 


vailing in Portland. I never knew such a universal feeling 
of distrust. It is believed that there has been a base be- 
trayal of the party and the country; that there is a scheme 
on foot to break down the Republican Party and build 
another on its ruins; that Chase, Grimes and others are 
the leaders in this nefarious conspiracy. Our friends think 
they can carry impeachment by one or two votes on 
Saturday. I fear, however, that the thing was made cer- 
tain before certain parties ventured upon it and that there 
is a reserved force that is not known but which will show 
itself when wanted. I hope I am mistaken. 

The responsibility of the whole is credited to Mr. Fessen- 
den with how much justice I know not, although I believe, 
if he had been known to be for impeachment, there would 
not have been a Republican vote against it. I don’t believe 
he has been actively engaged in organizing opposition. That 
I think has been done by Grimes. But I think unless it 
had been understood that he would oppose it, the opposi- 
tion would have been abandoned. You speak of the evi- 
dence being conclusive. There can be no doubt of that, 
but it is generally thought that the whole thing was pre- 
determined, as a piece of political strategy. If these con- 
jectures are true you see how futile it is to attempt to do 
anything. The class of men who hold the whole thing in 
their hands are men who take a position deliberately; 
counting the cost; and then maintain it. I am surprised 
that I hear nothing from any meeting in Portland. I 
understand the men who oppose impeachment say they 
see no evidence of dissatisfaction or disappointment at the 
prospect of acquittal. Why don’t the people speak? There 
is no lack of pressure from the other direction upon these 
immediate judges. 

Yours Truly. 


WILLIAM SCHOULER TO WASHBURN 
Boston, Oct. 26, 1868 


Since the election in Maine I have rested content with 
the lay of things. I never had a doubt of Grant’s election, 


124 Israel, Elihu and Cadwallader Washburn 


even if the Democrats had nominated Chase and Hancock, 
but when they put up Seymour and Blair and rigged up 
their platform I felt certain of the end. The election shows 
the democratic party to be a living thing after all, for with 
bad candidates and bad platform, they have polled an 
enormous vote. 

We are having a slight diversion down in our district 
(the 5th) between Butler, Dana and Lord. Speaking is 
going on every night, but it will avail nothing as against 
Butler. He will be elected largely, though I shall have the 
privilege of voting against him. The nomination of Dana 
was a mistake. He is an able lawyer, but he has no warmth 
of blood which attaches the masses. There was a way to 
defeat Butler but that way was not followed. 

I think we should all thank God that we had such a man 
spared out of the great war as General Grant. He will save 
this nation a second time. I regret that Governor Andrew 
is not alive to enjoy the coming victory and to have taken 
a place in General Grant’s Cabinet. Andrew’s love for 
General Grant was like that of a woman. 

This state will give Grant from 60,000 to 75,000 majority. 
The Democrats are working hard in the two Boston dis- 
tricts where they have a slight show of getting something. 

- It is barely possible that Peter Harvey (Daniel Webster’s 
old friend) may beat Samuel Hooper, but I will believe it 
when the votes are officially counted and not until then. 
Bailey the owner of the Boston Herald thinks he can beat 
Twitchell in the other Boston district, but I don’t know 
anybody else who thinks so, outside of the ten mile circle 
of the “hub.” ‘The democracy are nowhere. John Q. 
Adams I think will run ahead of his ticket ten thousand 
votes. 

Pardon me for writing you about politics, and hoping 
soon to hear from you. 


I remain Truly Yours. 


With the whole program of the radical members of his 
party he was in full accord. Every circumstance contrib- 


Israel Washburn, the Eldest Son 126 


uted to make him a follower of General Grant. His 
brother, Elihu, had brought Grant forward, and been the 
chief agency in affecting his transfer from Galena to the 
army. Thereafter he stood by him and urged his promo- 
tion upon the President at every stage of his military 
career. He enjoyed, as few others did, Grant’s confidence 
at this time. Israel Washburn believed that Grant was 
wise, prudent, just and firm, and that the work of the Civil 
War would be completed in a thorough and lasting manner 
under his leadership. In the January, 1869, number of the 
Universalist Quarterly he set forth his views of what should 
be done; and the essay “The Power and Duty of Congress 
in Respect to Suffrage” discloses admirably the views 
held at that time by the great majority of the Republicans. 
The most important measure to be adopted, it said, was 
“a just, republican, and constitutional rule of suffrage.” 
A law must be passed forbidding any discrimination 
between citizens in the states on the ground of race or 
color. Before General Grant’s term should expire there 
would remain neither power nor inclination on the part of 
any state to disturb such a rule. Men who had enjoyed 
the suffrage would not part with it. “No man in his 
senses will believe that four millions of people who have 
enjoyed the rights of citizenship for four years, can have 
the most vital of them all taken away in any country in 
which republicanism has a name to exist.” The con- 
stitutional power of Congress to prescribe the vote was 
unquestionable, he thought. To make it was the great 
duty of the hour. “Colored men are now citizens, and if 
they are to enjoy the rights which were understood to be 
secured to citizens by the Constitution, they must be 
allowed to vote on precisely the same terms and conditions 
as other citizens.” 


126 


Israel, Elihu and Cadwallader Washburn 


BLAINE TO WASHBURN 


Washington, D. C. 11th Feby. 18609. 

Dear Governor: Yours recd.—Many thanks. 

You can help me with Jno. A. Bingham—who is balanc- 
ing and wavering. Let him know that I am one of his pro- 
foundest admirers, that I have hagged heavy on him etc. 
etc. This will take John—and you’re the right man to 
capture him. Write him without delay if you feel so dis- 
posed. 


BLAINE TO WASHBURN 


Augusta, 26 June 1860. 

Dear Governor: On my return from Bangor yesterday 
I found yr very kind invitation for myself and Mrs. Blaine 
to visit the Uplands—I regret very much that it is out 
of our power to do so—Mrs. Blaine is detained or rather 
debarred from visiting this summer by the exactions of Mr. 
Jas. G. Blaine Jr. and I shall myself be engaged all next 
week. 

Later in the season I hope to see you in yr delightful 
country retreat—Meantime and at any time we shall be 
delighted to see you and Mrs. Washburn in Augusta— 
We expect to have an old acquaintance of yours to visit 
us soon—May Dodge (Gail Hamilton) and I wd be very 
glad if you could meet her here. 


LyncH TO WASHBURN 


Washington Mar. 16, 1871. 

You ask my opinion on the Sumner matter. I think 
it is “much ado about nothing.” As a matter of policy 
it would perhaps have been better to have left Sumner on 
the Committee and overrode him by a majority so as to 
have had the real organ of the Committee some other 
member. That the act was justifiable I have no doubt. 
Mr. Sumner has a foreign policy of his own which is 
hostile to that of the Administration. He proclaims in 


Israel. Washburn, the Eldest Son 127 


advance his opposition to anything the Commission, now 
in session for the settlement of matters with G. B. may do, 
demanding as a condition precedent to any negotiations 
on the subject the withdrawal of the flag of G. B. from this 
continent. He instructs foreign ministers and diplomatic 
agts. in opposition to the State Department, and if his 
instructions are not carried out, uses the influence of his 
position to defeat their negotiations or the results of them— 
It appears to me unjust to the Administration to allow this 
to be done. That Mr. Sumner is bitterly and personally 
hostile to the Prest. more so than any Democratic Senator, 
there can be no doubt and I don’t see why there would not 
be the same propriety in continuing a Democrat at the 
head of Committee on F. R. as in keeping Mr. S. there. 


M. W. Tarren To WasHBURN 


Concord, N. H. May 16, 1872. 
Dear “Israel” (“‘Of the Lord beloved.”’) 


Politics are muddled. You say you hope the democrats 
will nominate Greeley. If I felt that the salvation of the 
party and the country (and I don’t know but it does) 
depended on the re-election of Gen. Grant I should feel 
compelled to dissent from your view, and hope that they 
would not nominate Greeley. I think, in spite of all that 
could be done, if the democrats indorse him, he will carry 
a large number of republican votes. My own opinion is 
that he would carry this state. Still it is too soon to predict 
exactly what the effect would be,—and I don’t think many 
republicans will vote for Greeley if the effect will be to elect 
a democratic president. 


T. J. SawyER TO WASHBURN 


College Hill, Mass. Nov. 30, 1872. 
You have doubtless heard with us this morning the sad 
tidings of the death of Horace Greeley. I know of nothing 


128 


Israel, Elihu and Cadwallader Washburn 


more painful. From his first nomination I felt that it 
would prove his death as a politician, but did not think 
that the disaster was to be so serious and so fatal. Poor 
man! Never did one make a greater mistake. He was 
constitutionally unfitted for such a position as he chose to 
take, and the role he was obliged to play. Then his defeat 
was terrible, so crushing, that it revealed to him what he 
probably had never dreamed before, how false his position 
was and how thoroughly he had mistaken the spirit and 
purpose of the country. And when the election was over 
he found himself without friends or a party. He had 
effectually alienated his life-long friends, and the Democrats 
into whose society and arms he had thrown himself never 
loved him, and took him up only to use him, and when this 
purpose signally failed, cast him aside as they would a 
worn-out garment. Perhaps it was best that the grave 
should become an asylum for one who had, in an evil hour, 
acted a part so unwise, if not false. Peace tohis ashes... . 


PERSONAL PURSUITS 


The years of the collectorship wore on without notable 
event to Mr. Washburn. The position was not a difficult 
one for a man of method to fill, and his administration was 
satisfactory to every one. He enjoyed the life in Portland. 
After leaving Congress he sold his house in Orono and built 
a handsome brick residence on Spring Street in Portland, 
which he occupied until his death. Here he had a beautiful 
library and seldom a day passed, when he was in Portland, 
that it was not in use. He was a hospitable man and his 
table saw a constant succession of guests. He liked good 
eating, was a moderate smoker and often had wine on his 
table. He kept a horse and carriage and lived as a well-to- 
do citizen without giving the appearance of being wealthy. 
When he refused another term as governor in 1862 he had 
been moved, among other reasons, by the fact that he 
could ill afford to bear the expense of the office, although 
from time to time he had made profitable investments. 
Later, having added to these, he enjoyed an income sufhi- 
cient for a man without extravagant tastes. He was not 
a business man, and the money-making spirit was not in 
him. He had some timber lands and, as we have seen, 
took an interest in railroad building. After he retired 
from the collectorship he became president of the Portland 
and Rumford Falls Railroad, a short line of some 30 miles 
running from Mechanic Falls to Canton. This had been 
started some years before and he completed it, but he 
made nothing from it. When he died the accumulations 
of his lifetime were an estate valued at about $100,000. 
He had the enjoyment up to within a few years of his death 

129 


130 ©) s Israel, Elihu and Cadwallader Washburn 


of perfect health. This was one of the reasons for the good 
temper which had developed soon after he reached man- 
hood and caused him to look on the bright side of things. 
His father had been noted as a story-teller and he was a 
humorist, never neglecting to notice and repeat any pecul- 
iar manifestation of human nature which would cause a 
laugh. 

It would be untrue to say that he was not an ambitious 
man. He strove to succeed, and he wished for a high 
place and honor; but he was sensitive and proud and would 
not enter into elaborate and carefully planned contests for 
public office. Nor would he form alliances with other 
public men for public office. The party managers found 
him of no use to them and were of no use to him. To these 
facts is due, probably, the reason why he missed the great 
prize of the Senatorship. When he retired from the 
governorship it was known that he wished to be elected 
senator. When Senator Fessenden died in 1869 his name 
was again thought of. He had been the candidate of a 
number of Republicans when Hamlin resigned in 1861, 
as he was even up to the time of Mr. Blaine’s election in 
1876. It was at this time, when the political control of 
the state was completely in the hands of a few men whom 
he distrusted, that he seriously considered the project 
of starting a newspaper to oppose them. 


E. B. HaskELL To WASHBURN 


The Herald, Boston, March 23, 1877. 
Dear Sir: It will give me great pleasure if I can be of the 
slightest service to you. I have delayed a little for more 
accurate information. I am glad to hear your assurances 
about the Republicans of Maine, for it has seemed: as 
though Blaine strode over the State without opposition; 
but I know “his tricks and his manners,” and I do not 


Israel Washburn, the Eldest Son 131 


believe they are such as give any public man a permanent 
position in the confidence of his fellow citizens. His political 
methods do not belong to our native State but to the Penn- 
sylvania school, into which he was born, and of which he is 
an advanced pupil. Believing him to be one of the most 
dishonest men in public life, I shall be glad to see his power 
decline. 

In regard to the business of your note, it occurred to me 
that the best thing to do, if it could be done, would be to 
secure a controlling interest in the Press, which is estab- 
lished and I suppose paying its way at least, and known as 
the leading Republican daily of the State. I am told that 
Mr. Saml. Spring owns a majority of it. Is he bound to 
Blaine? Or if he is, could his interest be bought? On 
many accounts it would be better to pay for the Press 
more than it 1s worth than to start a new paper. You have 
your audience at once, your business connections, your 
advertisers, and so on, with a paper already established. 
In starting a new paper, even under the most favorable 
conditions, allowance must always be made for a sinking 
fund, which sinks out of sight while building up a business. 
I am inclined to think it would be well to buy the Adver- 
tiser, even, if it could be bought for about the value of the 
material. It would be a simple matter to enlarge and 
change the tone, and you would have something to start 
with. 

Now in regard to the cost of starting anew. .. . 

I see by a paragraphin the N. Y. Times that your proj- 
ect is already talked of. I seenoreason why a smart paper 
in Portland, of the character you propose, should not be 
good property. Of course you want a good news managing 
editor, and possibly I could help you to such an one should 
you require it. ... 


Whatever his reasons may have been he abandoned the 
project. In fact soon after he had conceived it he was 
deprived of the office of collector of customs and it was 
conferred upon Lot M. Morrill who had been serving in 


132 = Israel, Elihu and Cadwallader Washburn 


the Cabinet as Secretary of the Treasury. The appoint- 
ment was made for political reasons and was not excused 
on any other score. Mr. Washburn relinquished the office 
without a murmur of complaint and went into private life 
after a continuous public service of twenty-five years. 

He was now sixty-five years old. Five years before, 
in June, 1873, his wife had died. She had been his help- 
meet for forty years and from the blow of her loss he never 
fully recovered. She had gone to Minneapolis to take 
care of their son, Charles Fox, who was seriously ill with 
typhoid fever. Her son recovered, but Mrs. Washburn 
succumbed. 


IsRAEL WASHBURN TO EviInu B. WasHBURNE 


Portland July 9, 1873. 

Dear Brother: You will doubtless have heard before you 
receive this letter, of the death of my darling wife at 
Minneapolis on the 3oth of June. Others will write you the 
particulars of her sickness and death. She died in peace and 
with a smile of divine love upon her face—ready to go and 
not afraid—She felt that the hour was at hand, but she 
feared no evil. A death more happy, more saint-like cannot 
be conceived—The radiance upon her face in life and in 
death was a foregleam of an immortal and heavenly life. 

We buried her last Saturday in the flowers at Mount 
Hope by the side of her father and mother. 

To me the loss is what no one can conceive. She was my 
light and hope and strength, my joy and my pride. I have 
never seen such love and sweetness united with so much 
practical wisdom and good sense. Such was the rare 
beauty of her character and its force, that even those who 
knew her but slightly, had such respect and regard for her, 
that they feel her loss as a personal one. 

It is a great comfort to know how much she was esteemed 
and loved. 

Ada, Charley, and Maud were with their mother as she 


Israel Washburn, the Eldest Son 133 


breathed her last. We left Minneapolis Tuesday night, and 
on Wednesday found Henry at Chicago (his ship had just 
arrived on a cruise) and he came with us to Orono. He has 
gone to Erie to bring Belle and the babies who are staying 
with us for a season. We are now at the Portland home— 
but how empty and desolate it is without that central 
light of love and joy that was wont to make it so bright and 
happy. 
Give my love to Adéle—I hope you are all well. 
Your affectionate and affected 
brother, I. W. Jr. 
EK. B. WasHBURNE 


Israel Washburn kept a commonplace book and journal. 
In this he put down extracts and sentiments, sayings 
which pleased him, and made entry of events irregularly. 
Unfortunately, only one volume has survived, that which 
he began when his nature was formed, in 1869, and kept up 
to 1880; but its contents show what were his interests, 
activities and tastes, and throw light upon his character. 
Many of the selections he liked simply because of their 
purport, a striking or epigrammatic truth for example. 


“Early marriages and the number of births are indis- 
solubly connected with abundance of food; or, as Burke 
said, ‘Man breeds at the mouth.’” (Emerson.) 

“When Lord Mansfield proposed to hold court on 
Good Friday, Sergeant Davy said, ‘there was no precedent 
since the time of Pontius Pilate.’”’ 

“Tt is said of John Bright ‘that no man has warmer 
friends or more desirable enemies.’”’ 


Others he put down because they appealed to his sense 
of humor. 


“Curran also spoke of the other world and those he 
should wish to see there. Madame de Staél said ‘that after 


134 Israel, Elihu and Cadwallader Washburn 


she had seen those she loved she would enquire for Adam 
and Eve and ask them how they were born.’”’ 

“Charles Lamb wrote to’ Tom Hood: ‘I design to give 
up smoking; but I have not yet fixed upon the equivalent 
vice. I must have said guid pro quo, or quo pro quid.’” 

““A chap at Bangor says ‘it’s working between meals 
that’s killing him.’”’ 


Others, and these are the most numerous, are lofty 
sentiments of optimism and benevolence. 


“*¢We often hear that such or such a thing is not worth 
an old song. Alas, how few things are! What precious 
recollections do some of them awaken! What pleasurable 
tears do they excite! Not only do they purify the stream 
of life, but they can delay 1t on its shelves and rapids, they 
can turn it back again to the soft moss amidst which its sources 
issue, writes Landor to Forster. How full of truth and 
beauty are the lines I have underscored!” 


“T never knew thee hate! 

It is too troublesome, it rumples sleep, 
It settles on the dishes of the feast, 

It bites the fruit, it dips into the wine; 
I’d rather let my enemy hate me 
Than I hate him.”’ (Landor) 


“Omit the negative propositions. Nerve us with 
incessant affirmatives. Don’t waste yourself in rejection, 
nor bark against the bad, but chant the beauty of the 
good when the criticism will stop. The affirmative of 
affirmatives is love.”” (Emerson) 


Add to these some sentiments on patriotism, a poem, 
“Native Land,” in the Spectator for August 26, 1876, the 
chorus running: 


**Dear native land, our heart and hand 
Are thine on field or foam. 
And shamed be he, by land or sea, 
Who will not strike for home.” 


Israel Washburn, the Eldest Son 135 
And this: 


“Land of the free! Thy kingdom is to come, 
Of states, with laws from Gothic bondage burst 
And creeds by chartered priesthoods unaccount.”’ 


(Campbell) 


These were thoughts which Israel Washburn wished to 
think over, thoughts of a high-minded man, optimistic 
and benevolent, patriotic and fond of humor without sting. 
In all the entries there is not one to indicate harsh feelings 
towards any one or anything. 


His enthusiasm as a Universalist took the practical form 
of active interest in the project of a Universalist College. 
What was afterwards called Tufts College was started in 
1847 by Universalist leaders because of two needs: an 
educated Universalist ministry and a place where the sons 
of Universalists could be sent without the danger of in- 
fluences adverse to Universalism which they encountered 
in colleges of other denominations. Harvard should have 
satisfied their desires from a religious point of view, but 
it cost too much to be educated there, and the proximity 
to the temptations of Boston was regarded as undesirable. 
Much of the patronage which Tufts College now receives 
is from boys who believe—or whose parents believe—that 
better results are obtained from education in a small 
college than in a large one; but this was not the reason for 
its founding. Also, the means of getting from the college 
to Boston are now so expeditious that it is very little more 
removed from the temptations of Boston than 1s Harvard. 
In the beginning a large proportion of the graduates en- 
tered the Universalist ministry, although this is not now 
the case. All of the promoters of the college were Univer- 


136 Israel, Elihu and Cadwallader Washburn 


salist ministers: Rev. Thomas I. Sawyer of New York, 
Rev. Hosea Ballou, 2d, of Medford, Mass., and Rev. 
Thomas Whittemore of Cambridgeport, Mass. The first 
board of trustees, appointed before the college opened, did 
not include Israel Washburn; but he was chosen in 1852 
when the college opened and served until 1883, longer 
than any other trustee, and was president of the board in 
1873. He received the honorary degree of Doctor of Laws 
from the college in 1872. When he retired from the collec- 
torship he was urged to be president of Tufts but refused 
to consider it. 

His religion was an expression of his optimism. He 
went to church every Sunday, usually twice. He would 
listen attentively to the sermon. 

He had a taste in literature, was particularly fond of 
Burns and other Scotch poets and a number of times 
delivered a lecture on the Scottish Bards. He liked to 
quote poetry, especially Burns, Shelley, Wordsworth, and 
Landor. James Hogg, more read then, than now, but 
hardly inferior to Burns in Mr. Washburn’s view, was one 
of his favorites. Shakespeare, Cowper, Southey, Camp- 
bell, Tennyson, Whittier, Longfellow, and Emerson were 
others. 

His novelists were Thackeray, Dickens, and Scott, but 
he had a much freer taste in this field than usually belongs 
to practical American men. He had great admiration 
for George McDonald. Speaking of Robert Falconer he 
said, Nov. 13, 1870: ““What a great book it is! Looking 
to his insight—his earnestness—his humanity—his power 
to hit the centre of a great question with a few plain 
words—he is manifestly, since Dickens, the first novelist 
of Great Britain.”” When he was more than sixty years old 
he read Blackmore’s Mary Annerly, and admitted it into 


Israel Washburn, the Eldest Son 137 


the circle of his chosen books. The prose of Landor, as 
well as his poetry, made a lasting impression on him. 

Of heavier works he liked Henri Martin’s History of 
France, Lecky’s History of European Morals, Darwin’s 
Descent of Man, and John Quincy Adams’ Diary,—every 
word of which, in all its twelve volumes, he had read. 

Beside the American newspapers and periodicals, he 
read regularly the London Spectator'and Edinburgh Review. 

Although he could not sing nor play any musical in- 
strument he was fond of music, going to the Mendelssohn 
Club’s concerts and recording the pleasure he derived from 
hearing Ole Bull on the violin. He never missed an oppor- 
tunity to hear a good actor and even enjoyed the circus. 
He made no pretensions to possessing an artistic sense, but 
loved good scenery. He was a member of the Fraternity 
Club of Portland, an organization which met at regular 
intervals when the members read papers on serious sub- 
jects, and himself, often had material to present. 

As before mentioned, Walter Savage Landor made a 
great impression upon him. The force, dignity, elevation 
and fearless denunciation of wrong of that erratic scholar 
appealed to him. Although he was not a reader of the 
classics, Landor’s classicism pleased him. But when he 
reviewed Landor’s works, which he did for the Universalist 
Quarterly in the July number, 1849, the Imaginary 
Conversations from which he quoted most extensively 
were those between Wilberforce and Romilly on the sub- 
ject of slavery, and between Melancthon and Calvin, in 
which Melancthon expounds the doctrine of toleration and 
general salvation, and Calvin the doctrine of predestina- 
tion, the former being a part of the Universalist creed. 


At The Norlands there was a note-book in which it 


138 Israel, Elihu and Cadwallader Washburn 


was the custom of the brothers to write when they visited 
the old home. They recorded whatever thoughts or 
observations interested them. The following notes were 
entered by Israel: 


August 28th, 1879. 

“T have been reading a Life of Daniel Webster, by 
General S. P. Lyman, published in 1852, very soon after 
Mr. Webster’s death. 

“It has brought to mind many recollections of this 
remarkable man. I first saw him in Bangor in the late 
summer or early autumn of 1835. He was Counsel for 
plaintiff (with Jonathan P. Rogers) in the suit of Wad- 
leigh vs. Veazie, a case involving the title to the water- 
power at Oldtown. 

“While in Bangor the Whigs tendered him a public 
dinner at the Bangor House, then recently opened. He 
accepted the invitation, and I had the happiness—for such 
it was to the fervent admirer of the great man, to be pres- 
ent. I had been admitted to the bar nine months before, 
and was a very young lawyer practising at Orono. Edward 
Kent presided at the dinner, and on his right was the guest 
of the occasion. On his left, Mr. Webster’s boyhood and 
college friend, the Hon. Jacob McGaw, Hon. Elisha H. 
Allen seemed to be Master of Ceremonies. 

*“‘T well remember the President’s introductory speech, 
and how fine I thought it. Referring to the fact that 
their illustrious guest had never been called by the nation 
to its highest place, while small men had been, he thought 
the fact more to the discredit of the nation than to Mr. 
Webster, for said he, | 


‘Pigmies are pigmies still though found’on Alpes, 
And pyramids are pyramids in vales.’ 


“Mr. Webster in responding to this address, referred to 
his first visit to Bangor at the commencement of the cen- 
tury, to see his old friend, McGaw, and when, he said, 
there was no bridge over the Kenduskeg, and he crossed 
the river on floating logs. 


Israel Washburn, the Eldest Son 139 


“But he had only got fairly into his speech when a 
tremendous shout was heard outside, and Mr. Allen 
appeared at the door and announced that there were 
thousands of people in the street who desired to hear Mr. 
Webster, and proposed with his consent an adjournment to 
the terrace that the larger audience might have the pleasure 
to hear their distinguished friend. Thereupon the members 
of the dinner party, followed by Mr. Webster, proceeded 
(most of them rushed) to the terrace in front of the hotel, 
where the speech was concluded. 

“I remember the effect made upon me by the closing 
paragraphs. After referring to the numerous abuses of the 
Jackson party, dwelling upon their causes and conse- 
quences, he straightened up, raised his voice to its fullest 
and richest tone. How clearly do I see him now in his blue 
coat and buff vest—saying, ‘But after all, but after all, 
gentlemen, this country can endure a great deal of bad 
government—it is so young, so full of resources, so strong, 
I see her yet in spite of the maladministration, to which I 
have alluded, like a stately ship making her way 


‘Against the Wind, against the tide, 
Still steady with an upright keel.’ 


“TI did not see Mr. Webster again till, I think, 1847 or 
1848. I had occasion to attend the Circuit Court in Port- 
land as counsel for the defendant in the case of Burnham 
vs. Webster. The defendant was Colonel Ebenezer Webster 
of Orono, a relative and old friend of Daniel Webster, and 
who had been interested with him in real estate in the 
province of New Brunswick. Mr. Webster attended that 
court to argue the case of Williams vs. Veazie, before Judge 
Story. 

“T had not seen him until one morning I encountered 
him at the library door, and I think that I never saw a 
human figure that impressed me so strongly —so unexpected 
was the meeting, and so majestic, so grand and Jove-like 
was his form. He did not know me, of course, but I could 
not help knowing him. There was but one such form on all 


140 


Israel, Elihu and Cadwallader Washburn 


the earth, and there never would be another; for the 
die made for one casting only, was broken in moulding 
Webster. 

‘But in a day or two, Mr. Josiah H. Little of Portland, 
one of Mr. Webster’s personal friends, called upon me and 
said that Mr. Webster had heard that I was in town and 
would like to see me in respect to some of his business 
matters with Colonel Webster, whose son-in-law he had 
understood I was. 

“Accordingly, not long afterwards I accompanied Mr. 
Little to Mr. Webster’s boarding house, Miss Jones’ 
corner of Park and Congress Streets where we found him 
in his stockings, toasting his feet. Hastily putting on his 
boots, he began his enquiries about the Province property, 
in which I informed him I had become interested. I 
explained to him the situation, and he said he had hoped 
there was some ‘spes recuperandi.’ He thought it might be 
for his interest to make some contribution and come in for 
some share of the property with me—his rights having 
been forfeited. I consented readily, and as I was going to 
Boston on the adjournment of the court, he invited me to 
call on him, at his office in Court Street, where he would 
talk the matter over at more length. 

“T did call on him and we made arrangements which 
led to correspondence for the next year or two, and finally 
to a transfer of a share in lands to him, which he afterwards 
assigned to his son Fletcher but which I subsequently 
purchased from the latter. 

“At this time I met Fletcher Webster and also Mr. 
Choate, and was very kindly and flatteringly introduced 
to them by Mr. Webster. I remember that Mr. Choate 
had come in to see about an exchange of books that had 
been agreed upon between them. Mr. Choate was to have 
some law books in exchange for those of a political 
character. 

“Among the volumes embraced in the transfer were 
some of the Chancellor d’Angepeau; I remember Mr. 
Webster speaking of the author as having been referred 
to and praised by John Quincy Adams in his address to 


Israel Washburn, the Eldest Son 14] 


Lafayette on his departure from the United States, during 
Mr. Adams’ presidency— 


‘Go thou beloved stranger, to that beautiful 
France, the nursing mother of the twelfth 
Louis and the fourth Henry, the land of Bayard 
and Coligny, of Fenelon and d’Angepeau.’ 


“T did not see Mr. Webster again till December 1851, 
when I went to Washington as Representative to Congress 
from the Penobscot District. Webster was Secretary of 
State in President Fillmore’s Administration. But the 
‘seventh’ of March speech had been made—the Adminis- 
tration was conservative and ‘cotton,’ and there was a 
great gulf fixed between him I had almost worshipped and 
myself. I was fiercely liberal and ‘conscience.’ 

“His position was before the world, and mine was not 
unknown to him. So our relations thereafter were friendly 
and respectful but not intimate and cordial. This condi- 
tion of things was a great grief to me, but I could not help 
it—and I would not budge a hair’s breadth for all the 
favours and all the blandishments which I knew awaited 
only my acquiescence in the policy of the Administration. 

“The last time I met Mr. Webster was a few weeks 
before his death. I shall not soon forget the occasion or 
how he appeared. I was passing up C. Street in Washington 
about nine o’clock of a bright moonlight night, when I met 
the Secretary locked arm-in-arm with a gentleman whom 
I did not recognize—but the deep sad eyes, and the haggard 
and deathstruck look which Mr. Webster wore, painted 
themselves upon my mind with a distinctness, which death 
only, will be likely to efface.” 


August 29th, 1870. 
“In February, 1848, Sidney (Washburn) and I visited 
Washington. We passed a day or two in New York enjoy- 
ing the Astor House, and its incomparable host, Charles 
Stetson. At Philadelphia the United States Hotel was our 
home, at Baltimore, Barnum’s. For companion between 
the cities we had Booth the Elder. 


142 


Israel, Elihu and Cadwallader Washburn 


“While at Baltimore we heard that John Quincy Adams | 
had fallen in a fit at his seat in the House of Representatives. 
He lingered for a day or two and died in the Capitol. I 
saw his remains lying in state there, and we attended his 
funeral which took place at the eastern portico of the 
Capitol, and was attended by an immense concourse of 
people. 

“We stopped in Washington at the National Hotel. 
During the recess of Congress occasioned by the death of 
Mr. Adams, Abraham Lincoln, who was a representative 
from Illinois, visited us at our rooms and told us of his 
overland visit that day to Mt. Vernon. He staid nearly 
two hours and was very pleasant. 

“We were in Washington one day after Congress re- 
sumed its sessions. I should have said on a previous day, 
that I then saw Mr. Webster in his seat in the Senate. I 
saw also Mr. Calhoun and listened to a bright and good- 
natured tilt between him and Willie P. Mangum of North 
Carolina, in which the advantage seemed to be with the 
tall Senator from the old North State. 

“Mr. Calhoun was a man of marked personal appear- 
ance—with strong incisive features, a talking eye, and a 
head of long, thick, brushed-back or standing-back gray 
hair. 

“IT was much impressed with the refined and courteous 
appearance of Mr. Berrien, Senator from Georgia. J. W. 
Bradbury and W. B.S. Moor were the Senators from Maine, 
and the latter who lived at our hotel, was very civil to us, 
as were also Mr. and Mrs. John P. Hale of New Hamp- 
shire who were likewise stopping at the National. I remem- 
ber hearing Charles P. Ingersoll and R. C. Schenck in the 
House, and that I thought Mr. Schenck one of the most 
ready and forcible speakers I had ever heard. 

“We did not see Mr. Clay in Washington though he 
had recently been there. He was not then in the Senate. 
But on our way home I attended a Hebrew’s Ball in 
Philadelphia that I might have a glimpse of my great 
political idol—if idol I ever had. I was there introduced 
to him, but never saw him again in life. He was member 


Israel Washburn, the Eldest Son 143 


- of the Senate when I entered the House—but was unwell 
at Ashland. He came to Washington in June 1852, and 
was in the Senate but once before he took to his rooms at 
the National Hotel never to leave them alive. He died in 
a few weeks and his funeral equalled in respect, in cere- 
mony and in numbers attending it, that of Mr. Adams 
four years before. 


“Mr. Adams’ decease preceded the three memorable 
years by which were bounded the mortal lives of the great 
triumverate, of whom Buchanan Read wrote after Mr. 
Webster’s death, 


“The great are falling from us—one by one, 
As fall the patriarchs of the forest trees; 

The wind shall seek them vainly, and the sun 
Gaze on each vacant space for centuries. 


So, Carolina mourns her steadfast Pine, 

Which like a mainmast towered above her realm; 
And Ashland hears no more the voice divine, 
From out the branches of her stately Elm. 


And Marshfield’s giant oak, whose stormy brow 
Oft turned the ocean tempest from the West, 
Lies on the shore he guarded long—and now 
Our startled Eagle knows not where to rest.’ 


“Sometime, about midway in the ’40’s, perhaps, John 
Quincy Adams, accompanied by his son Charles, visited 
Halifax, going out by a Cunard steamer from Boston, and 
returning overland via St. John, Fredericton, Houlton and 
Bangor. I happened to be at the Bangor House when 
they arrived there. An evening reception was improvised 
at which the citizens of Bangor were introduced to Mr. 
Adams by Ex-Governor Kent. 

“John Quincy Adams’ Diary has recently been edited 
by his son and published in eleven volumes. ... It 
is a testimony to the greatness and to the infirmity of human 
nature. 


144 


Israel, Elihu and Cadwallader Washburn 


**Soon after our September election in 1860, Mrs. Wash- 
burn and myself visited Mr. and Mrs. Charles Francis 
Adams at their home in Quincy,—a quaint, low-studded 
house, of broad dimensions, more than a hundred and 
fifty years old, which had been the home of two presidents. 
Through Mrs. Adams’ kindness in showing its treasures, 
we were made to see, or to think we saw, more of this 
nation’s history than could be found in any other house 
in the land.” 


Less than a year before he died, Mr. Washburn made 
this entry in the book: 


August 13th, 1882. 

“This is a glorious day. To look out from the western 
piazza upon the mountains is a blessing. 

“The same sunshine, the same sky, the same clouds, 
mountains and valleys as fifty years ago are here—but 
most else how changed! ‘The big brook is dwindled, the 
fish brook is a figment, the houses and barns have changed, 
the boys have become men, and the old men sleep with the 
fathers.” 


CLOSE OF LIFE 


The last activities of Israel Washburn’s career were 
colored by his complete disgust for the corruption in official 
life. He wrote: 


To Exuinu B. WasHBURNE 


Portland Friday Dec. 26, 1873. 

Dear Bro. . . . I returned from Washington Wednesday 
the 24th. The President had gone to St. Louis with Col. 
Dent’s remains and I did not see him. Such a cowardly 
set as is in Congress I never saw. ‘They want the pay un- 
beknown to the people, but how to do it, is the rub. 

J. G. B. is evidently troubled about something. He was 
not “‘mellow as a pear” nor did “‘he go in and light the 
ee ia 

There is a most miserable ring and the people are getting 
tired of them. What will come, or who, only a wiser than 
I knows—I am much as Har. Hersey described himself on a 
memorable occasion. One thing is apparent, the thieves 
are all . . . and as they are loud, earnest and numerous, 
the latter are much assailed. But the Spaniard has a 
saying that may help them out. Time and I against any 
tWOHls |). 

I sent you a card picture of poor Maud... . 

Congress is in bad repute—It will not come to specie 
payment, nor will it do anything good... . 


To Extinv B. WasHBURNE 


Portland, Jany 3, 1874. 
Dear Brother: Nothing new politically or otherwise— 
There is to be a crumbling of the power of old leaders— 
In Me. there is understood to be an alliance offensive and 
defensive, the high contracting parties being Hamlin and 
Blaine and all the Congressmen including Morrill are 


145 


146 Israel, Elihu and Cadwallader Washburn 


supposed to revolve around these principal luminaries. 
How the scheme will work time will disclose. There are 
heard some mutterings, but whether they are to increase 
to thunder or die away into sheet iron echoes, I am not 
wise enough to predict. They may slide along unopposed, 
or their pathway may be filled with rocks and stumps. 


IsRAEL TO ELIHU 


Portland, April 24, 1874. 

Dear Bro: The veto of the inflation bill was a great 
act, and has done the President more good that any other 
act of his entire administration. The political atmosphere 
is clearer and the financial has improved marvellously. 
What the Logans and Butlers will do I know not, but I do 
know that they cannot harm the President. . . . 

There are no new signs of importance in the political 
world that I have observed, save those occasioned by the 
veto. 

Perhaps Morton may undertake to rally, under the flag 
of expansion, a party to his support. We must wait till 
after the adjnt. of the present Congress before we can see 
much of “the lay of the land.” 


On July 4, 1874, Mr. Washburn delivered the address 
at the unveiling of a soldiers’ monument at Cherryfield. 
The note of triumph which he held was typical. 

“By constitutional amendment and the amelioration 
of public opinion, slavery has been made legally and 
practically impossible in this country—the slave of other 
days has been recognized as a citizen, and his inalienable 
and fundamental right of suffrage secured beyond danger 
of abridgment or loss. He has taken his seat in the halls 
of legislation, State and National. Schools and seminaries 
of learning have been opened to him; the church receives 
him, and his claim to all that man may claim has been 


Israel Washburn, the Eldest Son 147 


allowed; for I regard the passage of the civil rights bill as 
beyond doubt. His neighbor of another race, so long his 
master and tyrant, has been enfranchised, too, and from a 
bondage scarcely less unhappy than his own,—the bondage 
of prejudice, contemptuousness and injustice. All the 
States that were in rebellion have been successfully re- 
constructed, and avenues to prosperity, unknown and un- 
hoped for in the earlier times, have been opened and are 
being rapidly occupied. A neighborly feeling—is not re- 
turning for it had never existed—is growing up between 
the North and South; men of either section understand 
and respect each other, as they could not do so long as 
they were members of conflicting societies and warring 
civilizations.” 

He depicted the consequences of the war: 

“The war with its disturbing influences, the changes 
in habits and occupations, its vast expenditures, its un- 
avoidable employment of unworthy and selfish men at 
times, its relaxation in manners and morals, left an 
inheritance of many dangers. Soldiers of fortune, ad- 
venturers, and rascals, discover in the opportunities and 
tendencies of such seasons, manifold avenues to specula- 
tion and fraud, and they are swift to occupy them. While 
the patriotic and true are engrossed with the settlement 
of great questions, with vital necessities, with the duties 
of repair and restoration, the selfish and false are busy with 
their schemes of greed and plunder. Familiarity with 
large sums encourages a liberal arithmetic,—where the 
carcass is, the vultures gather. When vast national 
expenditures are unavoidable corruption festers, and theft 
and plunder hold carnival; men become giddy, impatient, 
excited. They cannot wait for slow gains, or descend to 
small things. Details are pitiful, and the homely virtues 


148 Israel, Elihu and Cadwallader Washburn 


disgusting. Industry is a jade, economy a by-word, and 
honesty a fool. Looseness in manners, profligacy in life, 
faithlessness to obligations become so familiar that they 
cease to shock or disgust the average man and woman. 

“There is cause for alarm. Danger is everywhere in 
business, in society, in the noiseless walks of private life, as 
well as in the wider theatre of public affairs. 

“Of what avail the sufferings and the sacrifices of the 
dreadful years from which we so lately came, if these things 
are togoon? But they must not goon. The people must 
call a halt, and they will. Did I not believe it I should 
despair of the country. Economy, retrenchment, reform, 
responsibility, and purity must be the popular watch- 
WOTdS. ie tcue 

“Our work is first and mainly at home, with ourselves 
and our ideals. With right thinking we must expect wise 
acting. If we are slaves to wealth, extravagance, and 
show—if we look with foolish eyes upon their possessors 
and exhibitors as the fortunate and happy ones of earth, 
careless of means by which they rose,—if we think that 
fraud and falsehood may be winked at when successful, we 
make reformation and improvement impossible. The 
work, then, must begin with the people and zow. . . . 

“In an address in which I wish to be practical, I seek, 
rather than avoid the consideration of topics that are near 
at hand and the expression of thoughts that are trite 
so that they may be timely and true. For our business is 
in the present and our duties are directly before us. The 
debt is due today and its payment cannot be postponed. 
We cannot deal with the needs and dangers of the next 
generation but we can with those of this. If we do what 
is required in 1874, 1875 will be relieved of tasks and 
burdens that might be too great for it to perform or bear. 


Israel Washburn, the Eldest Son 149 


“Looking then to the questions that demand immediate 
attention, we see directly before us that of reform in the 
civil service. It is one of the most difficult problems 
before the country. How to secure faithful and efficient 
service; and how to hold the power of official patronage 
within due limitations and restraints, and yet keep up a 
wholesome interest in public affairs, are questions that 
have taxed the earnest and thoughtful consideration of 
the best minds in the country for many years. It is also a 
subject as vast as it is difficult. The appointees of the 
federal government are not as in the time of Andrew 
Jackson, a handful, but scores of thousands. There can 
be no question that one of the chief perils of the nation 
arises from the relations of the civil service to the 
country—from the manner of its constitution, and the 
political or rather party work which an appointment to 
office is understood to imply to those in whose interest or 
by whose procurement it is made. It is a question that 
must grow into the first importance and continue to be 
agitated and discussed by intelligent and patriotic citizens 
until some practical and efficient solution has been reached, 
and it should be our purpose to give hospitable reception 
and a fair trial to every plan for reform that presents a 
reasonable promise that it may be successful,—for it is 
only by practical tests, carefully and patiently applied, 
that the final discovery can be effected. 

“Among the dangers too obvious to be overlooked, and 
which should awaken the serious apprehension of the 
country, is that resulting from the general and apparently 
irresistible tendency of things in the direction of centraliza- 
tion. 

“Educated in the specious school of the Virginia ab- 
stractionists, many men of acute rather than strong minds, 
speculators and theorists—especially after the subtle 


150 Israel, Elihu and Cadwallader Washburn 


intellect of Mr. Calhoun discovered that the cause of 
slavery would be served by it—became believers in, and 
champions of the dogma of State Rights, and so far did 
they go in their denials of the legislative power of Congress, 
and in their restriction of the functions of the general 
government, that their affirmative and vehement claims 
of the right of any state, at any time, when it saw fit, to 
secede from the Union, was not only a logical deduction 
from these positions, but its exercise, conceding their 
soundness, would have been matter of but little practical 
importance to the nation, stripped as it would have been, 
of nearly every essential of sovereignty. 

“These opinions, which, from their association with the 
slavery controversy, were rapidly propagated, and came 
to be widely held in all parts of the country, found their 
logical expression in the attempt at secession, and in 
rebellion. 

“Tt will not seem strange that after such efforts as the 
country had occasion to make to put down a rebellion 
organized and pushed in the immediate interest of slavery, 
and on the theory of State Sovereignty, there should be 
a strong reaction towards power and centralization in the 
General Government. There is unquestionable danger 
that this movement of forces and tendencies to the centre 
may go unchecked until all substantial power and author- 
ity shall be absorbed in the nation, and the States shorn 
of their most necessary political functions. 

“T confess that I look upon the disposition of Congress 
to extend its jurisdiction over questions and concerns 
heretofore acknowledged by all parties, to pertain, right- 
fully and exclusively, to the states, with unaffected alarm. 
Congress is almost daily legislating upon matters where 
the right would have been promptly, not to say indig- 


Israel Washburn, the Eldest Son 151 


nantly, repudiated by such broad constructionists as Mr. 
Clay, Mr. Webster, Mr. Mangum, Mr. Evans, and Mr. 
Clayton. 

“The nation is becoming everything, the States nothing. 

“For all ills and evils, for all inconveniences and acci- 
dents relief is sought at Washington. 

“Whatever State legislation, or individual or corporate 
enterprise and capital are inadequate to accomplish, or 
unwilling to undertake, the federal government is con- 
fidently asked to promote. 

“Among the most wholesome and effective means of 
staying this rapid and appalling march of centralization, 
will be the inflexible and persistent requirement by the 
people of the practice of economy and_ retrenchment. 
Necessary in themselves, they are indispensable to a true 
adjustment of the proper relations of the national and 
State Governments to each other. Centralization, with 
its hundreds of millions for yearly disbursements, must 
breed carelessness and profligality, while vast and loose 
expenditures feed and strengthen centralization. A  ter- 
rible peril—insidious, fascinating, but inexorably fatal, lies 
in this source and reservoir of corruption, the Treasury. 
Fifty years ago, aside from the public debt, the entire 
payments of the government scarcely exceeded ten mil- 
lions in a year, where now they are two hundred millions. 

“A strict limitation of appropriations to constitutional 
objects,—to cases where the power is clear and the neces- 
sity unquestionable, an education of the people to the con- 
stant inquiry whether the appropriations are in all cases 
within the scope of congressional power, and to a vigilant 
scrutiny of details, with a practice of holding members to 
a rigid accountability for their votes, are duties in the 
performance of which the people may do much towards 


152 Israel, Elihu and Cadwallader Washburn 


discharging their obligations to those who preserved 
for them the government under which they live. I have 
sometimes thought that a provision for the publication 
in the newspapers of the several States of all the items of 
appropriation and expenditure by authority of Congress, 
so explained in detail as to be easily understood, would be 
wise and salutary. It is, I imagine, truly necessary to 
bring the attention of the people to these things and lead 
them into the habit of classifying and examining all items 
of expenditure, to effect a reform in the manner of dealing 
with the people’s money that will largely protect the 
Treasury from spoliation, and the people from the arts of 
influence of corruption.” 

The speech was an able one and showed that Mr. 
Washburn’s mental powers had expanded. It is doubtful 
whether there was any public man in Maine at the time 
who could have given a fairer presentation of the state of 
the country and the evils confronting it. 

This year (1874) was published the volume WNofes, 
Historical, Descriptive, and Personal, of Livermore, in 
Androscoggin (formerly in Oxford) county, Maine, by 
Bailey and Noyes, at Portland. It comprised some 169 
pages, written without attempt at literary style or scien- 
tific arrangement, but giving a great deal of valuable 
information about the early history of the village, the 
early settlers and their families, its industrial develop- 
ment, churches, politics, and military characters. Al- 
though it appeared anonymously it was written by 
Israel Washburn and shows that he had minute knowl- 
edge of all that concerned his ancestral birthplace and a 
great attachment to it, as well as an unselfish willingness 
to spend his time and energies in a labor of love. 

A few years later Mr. Washburn made his most impor- 


Israel Washburn, the Eldest Son 153 


tant and elaborate contribution to historical literature in 
his paper on the North-Eastern Boundary, read before the 
Maine Historical Society. The paper was read on May 
15, 1879, and may be found in the Society’s Proceedings 
for 1881, Volume VIII. The Webster-Ashburton treaty 
had been concluded in 1842, and Mr. Washburn remem- 
bered all the circumstances leading up to it and the mortifi- 
cation of his state at what she considered to be a betrayal 
to Great Britain by the loss of territory which she had 
always claimed and valiantly contended for. Wash- 
burn’s presentation of the facts was masterly and _ his 
arguments difficult to answer in so far as they pertained 
specifically to the Maine boundary. 

Elihu wrote to him from Philadelphia, December 1, 
1881. 


Dear Bro: . . . I have read your paper on the North 
Eastern Boundary with a real interest. You have per- 
formed a great service in the interest of history, but in 
doing so have made disclosures that must mantle the 
cheek of every son of Maine with shame and indignation. 
The arrogance and insolence of England in all that matter 
makes the blood boil. And then old Webster sold you out 
lock, stock and barrel. One strong, bold, fearless man from 
Maine on the Commission to make the Treaty could have 
knocked the whole thing higher than Gilderoy’s kite. But 
in the end they took to the timber, including my old 
friend John Otis. 


When he retired from the collectorship, Washburn 
settled down with his two daughters, Ada, a young lady 
and Maud, a young girl. The two boys, Captain Israel 
Henry Washburn of the Marine Corps and Charles Fox 
Washburn were established in life, the latter, as we know, 
living in Minnesota. Their father’s robust health gave 
promise of long years of further usefulness. 


154 Israel, Elihu and Cadwallader Washburn 


However, on Thanksgiving day, 1882, he returned from 
church to lunch at half-past two o’clock apparently 
perfectly well; but after lunch he came into his library and 
complained of feeling ill. The doctor was called and it 
was supposed he had merely contracted a bad cold, but 
he was never well again. He soon realized that his ail- 
ment was serious, being a chronic inflammation of the blad- 
der, and he devoted himself from that time on to efforts to 
recover. In the spring his Portland doctor advised him to 
put himself under the care of the famous Dr. Weir Mitchell 
at Philadelphia, and he went to that city in April with his 
second wife and his daughter, Ada, taking apartments at 
the Lafayette Hotel. At first his ailment seemed to yield 
to treatment and he was hopeful of recovery, but early 
in May he grew worse and the disease got beyond medical 
control. He suffered great pain, but bore it manfully. 
He sank into unconsciousness on May 11th and died May 
12, 1883, his wife and daughter being the only persons 
present at the time, except the nurse. 

His body was taken to Bangor and buried on May 23, 
in Mt. Hope Cemetery near that city, by the side of his 
first wife. An eloquent funeral oration was pronounced 


by his friend, the Rev. Amory Battles. 








E.inu B. WasHBURNE 


ELIHU BENJAMIN WASHBURNE 


THE CAREER 


Next to Israel, a year and a half his junior, was Algernon 
Sidney Washburn and three years his junior was Elihu 
Benjamin Washburne. (Early in manhood this latter 
added the final ‘e’ to his surname to bring it more nearly 
into assimilation with the spelling which had prevailed 
in England.) 

In 1874, being then American Minister to France and 
fifty-eight years old and not pressed by public duties, 
Elihu Benjamin Washburne while sojourning at Arcachon, 
France, and at Carlsbad, Bohemia, wrote an autobiogra- 
phy for his children of which the following is an abridg- 
ment. 


I was born in Livermore, Maine, on September 23, 1816, 
being the third son and child. I think it was in the spring 
of 1823 when I was seven years old that my father took 
me to Raynham, Massachusetts, to stay for a year with 
my grandfather and grandmother Washburn. We went to 
Hallowell and there took the schooner Superior, Captain 
Butler, to Boston. I remained somewhat over a year at 
Raynham and have not a single pleasant recollection of 
my stay. My grandfather and grandmother were quite 
old and their children were all grown up. Their youngest 
son, Eli King Washburn, and his two younger sisters, 
Lydia and Cornelia, took care of the house and farm. All 
of them were staid and serious people, kind enough in 
their way, but without any warm or genial side for a 
child who had been in a measure thrust upon them and 
who was naturally full of life and longing for sports. My 
grandfather was a type of the New England character of 


155 


156 


Israel, Elihu and Cadwallader Washburn 


the time of the Revolution. He was descended directly 
from the pilgrims and he had the characteristics of the 
Puritans. He was tall, large-framed and straight as an 
arrow. He was a well-to-do, independent farmer, indus- 
trious and frugal. He added to an inflexible honesty the 
sense of justice and his name was a synonym for truth and 
honor. But as I recollect him, he was a man stern and 
severe, talking but little, abrupt and sometimes vehement 
in speech. Having been a soldier in the Revolution, he 
enjoyed great prestige and was honored by town offices 
and by being a representative of the great and general 
Court of Massachusetts. ‘To him there was no nonsense 
in life; he never unbended. I soon found that I was to be 
made useful to this household and I was put to such work 
as a lad of seven or eight could do, gathering chips, carry- 
ing wood, picking up stones, driving the cows to pasture 
and doing “chores” generally. I went to school for a 
few weeks in the winter and the summer, but I was a 
stranger and was not regarded kindly. I shall never for- 
get the brutal beating given me by the master, a man 
named Williams, for some trivial offense. Lonely and un- 
friended the sad and heavy months wore on until finally 
my father came to take me home. He had come from 
Livermore with a horse and chaise and we drove back, 
being three days on the way; the distance from Boston to 
Livermore was one hundred and eighty miles. We arrived 
at home about midnight of the third day and I remember 
the joy of my poor mother at seeing me again. Having 
been so far from home I was a sort of hero to my brothers 
and the boys of the neighborhood. It was considered a 
great thing for so young a boy to have been to Boston. 
The next few years were spent at home. I heard a great 
deal of discussion of religion, politics and other serious 
subjects in my father’s store. He took the New England 
Galaxy, founded and edited by Joseph Tucker Bucking- 
ham, afterwards the editor of the Boston Courier and a 
well known politician, also the Hallowell Advocate which 
was left at the store every week by the post rider, Uncle 
Jed White, who came on horseback and left the mail. 


Elihu Benjamin Washburne 157 


The papers were anxiously awaited and read eagerly. 
There was a good circulating library in the town and I 
read all the books of history and biography and many 
romances. We had three months of school in the sum- 
mer and three in the winter, but I never went to school 
in the summer after I was thirteen. Nor did I make as 
much progress at winter school as I should have done, 
for my thoughts were full of athletic sports and I had 
formed the idea of going to sea. One day I drew a picture 
of a ship on my slate and wrote under it “The ship Hero, 
Captain Washburn, bound for a whaling voyage to the 
Pacific Ocean.” I forgot to rub it out, and the boys saw 
it and made fun of me. This caused the sea-going fever 
to abate and finally it passed off. 

For many years my father used to take a drove of cattle 
in the fall from Livermore to Brighton, the nearest market 
for Boston. In 1828 he took me with him. We were 
nine days on the road and I enjoyed it very much. During 
these years my brothers Sidney, Cadwallader, and I were 
made to work more or less on the farm but Israel escaped 
for he was employed as a clerk in the store. ‘There he had 
opportunity for reading and study and for argument with 
the people who came tothe store. In 1829, I think it was, 
misfortune lowered over our house. ‘Trade had been 
diverted and times were hard. My father was unable to 
meet his payments, the sheriff attached the store and 
everything was sold except what the charity of the law ex- 
empted for the family of the unfortunate debtor. The little 
homestead of sixty acres, was mortgaged to my father’s 
brother, Reuel Washburn; and no one can estimate the value 
of Reuel Washburn’s advice and protection at this time. 

Among the debts my father owed was one of twenty- 
five dollars to a neighbor whom we called “Uncle Love- 
well.”” He was very illiterate, deaf as a post and never 
performed any manual labor, but such was his thrift and 
skill in getting money that he became one of the wealthiest 
farmers in the town. He lent money in small sums on 
good security and always regretted that the laws were not 
more severe against the debtor class and that “Monarch 


158 Israel, Elihu and Cadwallader Washburn 


laws,” as he called them, had been abolished. As my 
father could not pay the money he owed Uncle Lovewell 
it was agreed that I should work it out at five dollars a 
month. I began on April 19, 1830, and for five long 
months I worked on that hard and sterile farm to pay off 
a twenty-five dollar debt. I was called up every morning 
at sunrise and worked until sunset through all the days 
of summer. No slave boy under the eye of a taskmaster 
ever worked harder. The living was none of the best. 
In haying time we used to have tea at four o’clock in the 
afternoon and then work till night when we would have a 
bowl of bread and milk. 

At this time our family was very, very poor. Besides 
my father and mother we were ten children to be fed and 
clothed and it all had to come out of the unwilling acres 
of the little farm.! My father being a merchant, or rather 
a “store keeper,” as he was called in the country, had 
never been habituated to manual labor, and now he went 
cheerfully to work on the farm to put bread in our mouths. 
But the great burden fell upon my mother. In the pres- 
ence of our adversity her great qualities of courage, en- 
ergy and management developed. When I think of her 
labors, her anxieties, her watchfulness, her good and wise 
counsels and her attention to all our wants my heart 
swells with emotions of gratitude towards her which no 
language can express. Born in Livermore at an early 
period of the settlement she had had few advantages of 
education, but she was possessed of a quick and rare 
intelligence and excellent common sense. She always 
read the newspapers and was greatly interested in public 
events. Though firm and resolute she was one of the most 
tender-hearted, most sympathetic and most charitable of 
women. She was a devoted wife, an affectionate mother, 
a loyal friend and a good neighbor. 

After my summer’s work at “Uncle Lovewell’s” I 
returned home in order to go to school during the school 
months, but there were so many mouths to feed that I 


1 Mrs. Washburn’s very small income was a material help at this time. 


Elihu Benjamin Washburne 159 


was sent to a neighbor’s where they wanted a boy to do 
“chores”? for his board. Witnessing the poverty and 
struggles of my parents I determined to shift for myself. 
From the time I was fourteen I was not only not an expense 
to them, but my various little earnings went to help 
support the family. I went to school one winter at the 
“Intervale,” working for my board with my Uncle Na- 
thaniel Benjamin, my mother’s brother, and I worked 
for him on his farm more or less the following summer. 
He and his wife were always kind to me. They had chil- 
dren about my age, the household was a jolly one and I 
had a good time. The next year I hired out to Jonathan 
Lovejoy whose wife, Ruth Benjamin, was my mother’s 
sister. ‘They lived in East Livermore in a mean part of 
the town called “Tobacco Street.” The farm was of 
fair size, but the house was small, old and comfortless. It 
had only one story and an unfurnished garret, where I 
slept close under the roof. I can recall many of the neigh- 
bors. There was Dr. Niles, the horse doctor, old John 
Young and his son “little John,” who was as worthless 
as his father and never would go to school. He had ar- 
rived at manhood and did not know how to read or write. 
He is the only man I ever knew in Livermore who could 
not read or write. A more distant neighbor was “‘Grandpa 
Sias,”’ who was a Hessian, brought over by the English 
to fight against us in the Revolution. He remained in 
the country, married and settled down, and I believe was 
a good citizen. His grandson, John Sias, was of my age. 
He moved to California and when I was in Congress 
wrote to me. The summer was a dreary one. I worked 
hard and was homesick. Mr. Lovejoy, with whom I 
worked, was never inclined to talk. JI dug up stumps, 
drove the oxen to the plow and harrow, planted and hoed 
potatoes and corn, spread, raked and loaded and stowed 
away hay. I was not quite strong enough to mow and 
pitch, but in most kinds of work I did the labor of a man 
and received a boy’s wages. My Aunt Ruth was always 
kind to me and often tried to alleviate my task. She 
had a true affection for me and in after years when I 


160 


Israel, Elihu and Cadwallader Washburn 


used to visit Livermore I never received from any one a 
warmer welcome than I received from her. She was a 
noble woman but her lot in life was hard. 

I think it was in the summer of 1832 that I worked for 
my Uncle David Benjamin. In the spring of that year I 
worked for a while in Isaac Fuller’s brick yard in East 
Livermore. About this time I tried ineffectually to get 
work in a rope walk at the “Falls.”” I have pleasant 
recollections of the summer’s work at my Uncle David’s. 
I always worked well and faithfully wherever I was, but 
I had a great distaste to farm work and longed to get 
something to do which would be more congenial. I had 
read the life of Dr. Franklin and took a great notion to be 
a printer as he had been. I wrote to J. and W. E. Edwards, 
publishers of the Portland Advertiser and asked if they 
did not want an apprentice, but they did not reply. Then 
I went down to Portland and boldly entered the Advertiser 
office, but they had all the apprentices they wanted. I 
think this was in the winter of 1832-33. I returned home 
with a heavy heart. I did not dare to aspire to be a clerk 
in a store and I had no taste for any trade but that of a 
printer. Israel then had a place as clerk in a store at 
West Waterville, and Sidney was in a store at Hallowell. 
I chafed at the idea of being obliged to return to farm 
work. 

On the last of May or beginning of June, 1833, being at 
my Uncle Morison’s in East Livermore, I took up the 
Christian Intelligencer, a Universalist newspaper, pub- 
lished by James Dickman, at Gardiner, Maine, and edited 
by William A. Drew, an old friend of our family, and read 
this advertisement: ‘Wanted, an apprentice to the print- 
ing business. Apply at this Office.” Here was my chance. 
I returned home at once and told my mother, and the next 
morning I started for Gardiner on horseback. It was 
thirty miles distant and I must go and come in a day as I 
could not afford the expense of staying away for the night. 
I had just enough money to pay my ferriage over the 
Androscoggin River, for my dinner and for “baiting”’ the 
horse. Before noon I was in Gardiner and presented my- 


Elihu Benjamin Washburne 161 


self at the Intelligencer office. I was accepted as an ap- 
prentice until I should arrive at the age of twenty-one. 
I was to have my board and twenty-five dollars a year to 
clothe myself. By two o’clock I was on horseback again 
and arrived home at midnight. My mother used to tell 
how I started off that morning before sunrise. 

Now had come a new departure, and I felt that I was 
starting out in the world to seek my fortune and would 
never return home to live. My mother prepared my 
slender outfit and it was packed in a small wooden trunk. 
Early in the morning of June 12, 1833, my father and I 
started for Gardiner and by noon I was delivered over and 
that afternoon became a “printer’s devil.”’ I found the 
work much easier than working on a farm. 

I was contented and pleased with my trade, and I had 
leisure to study and read. I read all the exchanges and 
contracted the habit of newspaper reading which has never 
left me. I made a resolution, which I have kept, not to 
drink, smoke or play cards. I am satisfied that I learned 
more in the year I was in the Intelligencer office than I ever 
learned in any year of my life. But matters did not go 
well with our publisher and he kept falling behind. My 
personal expenses at this time were literally nothing and 
I sent home more than half of the twenty-five dollars I 
received every year. My mother made and sent me 
nearly everything I wore. In the summer of 1834 the 
Christian Intelligencer failed and I was left without a place 
and without money. 

I returned home and determined to prepare myself to 
teach school the following winter and in the spring I 
would take up the printing trade again. I went to school 
at East Livermore and worked for my board with my 
uncle and aunt Lovejoy. For three months in the winter 
of 1834-35 I kept the district school at Proctor in Hart- 
ford, Maine, being paid ten dollars a month and “board 
around.” For a short time in the fall of 1834 my uncle 
Reuel Washburn took me in his law office and taught me 
Latin. I was eighteen when I began to teach school. I 
boarded for a week at one place and then moved on to 


162 


Israel, Elihu and Cadwallader Washburn 


another. I was treated with deference, as a man, for the 
first time. My time was up March 1, 1835, and I received 
my three months wages in three ten dollar bills. I dis- 
liked teaching more than anything I had ever done. My 
great ambition was to be a printer in the office of the 
Kennebec Journal at Augusta of which Luther Severance 
was the editor, but there was no vacancy, so I went to 
school at the Maine Wesleyan Seminary, a Methodist 
institution, still in existence, at Kent’s Hill, Readfield. 
After being there several weeks I was offered a place in 
the office of the Working Men’s Advocate, Belfast, Waldo 
County, and went to work on April 11, 1835. It was a 
shabby, one-horse establishment and I determined to 
leave as soon as I could. In the course of two weeks my 
father wrote to me that Mr. Severance had written he 
would like me to come to live with him, to work in the 
Journal office and receive forty dollars a year for clothing 
besides some spending money and pay for extra work. 
Sometime in the early part of May, 1835, I started as an 
apprentice in the Kennebec Journal office. Mr. Severance 
was a practical printer and set up his own editorials. 
He was a quiet, conscientious man, of remarkable intelli- 
gence, of plain appearance, tall and spare with red hair. 
I never knew a more honest man. ‘Though revered by 
the Whig party he never sought office. In the summer 
of 1835 he went to report a convention to nominate sena- 
tors for Kennebec County and when he returned to the 
office I asked him who had been named. ‘Two men anda 
boy,” he replied, ““and I am the boy.” He was after- 
wards elected to Congress and, in 1844, General Taylor, I 
think, made him commissioner to the Sandwich Islands, 
but he returned in a few years to Augusta where he died 
horribly of a cancer in the face. The state legislature met 
at Augusta in January, 1836, and as my head was always 
full of politics I managed to see many of the members. 
But serious troubles were now coming upon me. I had 
not been many months in the printing office in Augusta 
when I began to feel the effects of the change from the 
active out-of-door life of the country to the confined life 


Elihu Benjamin Washburne 163 


of a printer. A hernia began to develop and the physi- 
cians whom I consulted decided it would be impossible 
for me to continue at my trade, for the constant standing 
at the case would always aggravate my difficulties. So I 
was compelled to abandon the trade which I had chosen 
for myself and had spent two years in learning. I have 
always loved a newspaper office. There is an intelligence 
and excitement about it which are attractive to me. I 
have not forgotten how to “stick type,” and when making 
my congressional campaigns I would “show off” in the 
offices of country newspapers by taking a composing stick, 
going to the case and setting up a few lines. There is no 
humbug about the trade of a printer. A man may be 
a bogus lawyer, doctor or clergyman, but he cannot 
set type unless he has learned the art and mastery of 
printing. 

On Wednesday, April 6, 1836, I bid a final adieu to the 
Journal office and to printing and went back to Kent’s 
Hill Seminary. I had determined upon another career— 
that of the law. But it would require a long preparation 
before I could enter upon the study of that great pro- 
fession, and I was dependent upon myself alone. I had 
$33.88 coming to me when I left Mr. Severance, enough 
to carry me through school for one quarter and leave a 
little over. This session I had an attack of the measles 
and was taken home, and it was some time before I could 
return to the Seminary. I was greatly exercised to know 
how I could earn money enough to go on with my school- 
ing after the money which Mr. Severance had given me 
was gone. I had a horror of school teaching. After the 
school closed I remained at Kent’s Hill and earned enough 
at haying to pay my board while I kept on with my studies. 
In the middle of August, my cousin Samuel B. Morison, 
who had a situation in the post office at Hallowell under 
Dr. Amos Nourse, the postmaster, gave it up and I took 
it. I boarded as a student with Dr. Nourse and had only 
to clothe myself and pay a small sum for tuition. Dr. 
Nourse treated me with respect and became my stead- 
fast friend. He served as senator from Maine for a short 


164 


Israel, Elihu and Cadwallader Washburn 


time when I was in the House. I got along very well 
during the winter of 1836-37, studied Latin and French, 
attended lyceum lectures and made general progress. 
Hallowell was then a high place. No town in New Eng- 
land of the same population held so many distinguished 
men. There were at the bar William Emmons, Samuel 
Wells, Henry W. Paine, William Clark and Sylvanus W. 
Robinson, all men who would have been distinguished 
in their profession anywhere. John T. P. Dumont was 
another. He was more of a politician than a lawyer, but 
was probably the most eloquent and captivating public 
speaker that the state has ever seen. The Rev. Dr. Shep- 
ard, a man of great ability, preached at the Old South 
Church. Doctors Hubbard and Nourse were physicians 
whose fame extended far and wide. There was an English 
colony, the Vaughans, Merricks and others who were 
rich and aristocratic. Then, there were many sea captains, 
some retired and some still at sea,—all with fine houses, 
men of character, courage and intelligence. There was 
great political excitement in the town in 1837 and my 
studies suffered by the attention I gave to politics. I 
wrote occasional editorial squibs for William Noyes who 
published the Chronicle, the Whig paper. Jeremiah Loth- 
rop was then living at Hallowell. He was a tremendous 
Whig and my friendship for him dates from that time. 

After studying for sixteen or seventeen months I felt 
that I must begin my law studies, and towards the end 
of 1837 entered the law office of John Otis. He was a 
true friend. He not only took me in his office, but I 
boarded with his family and he advanced me money for 
my expenses. Afterwards he advanced more to help 
pay for my education at the Cambridge Law School and 
in a law office in Boston, and after I was admitted to the 
bar helped me to buy some law books and to go West. He 
never asked for any security or appeared anxious for 
repayment. Not long after I was settled in Galena I paid 
him all the money he had advanced with interest. I was 
his friend till his death. I think the last time I saw him 
was in Washington when he was a member of Congress. 


Elihu Benjamin Washburne 165 


Thus my three best friends, Mr. Severance, Dr. Nourse 
and Mr. Otis were all afterwards in Congress. I also 
received financial help at this time from my uncle, David 
Benjamin, and Col. Dumont, both of whom I repaid with 
interest. 

The Maine legislature met in Augusta in January, 
1838, and the Whigs elected Elisha H. Allen of Bangor 
speaker. I thought I could get the position of assistant 
clerk at two dollars a day. I went to Augusta and at- 
tended the Whig caucus where my name was presented, 
but another was chosen. I sneaked out of the caucus 
and took my way on foot to Hallowell. Samuel S. Benson, 
of Winthrop, was the secretary of state and my friends 
insisted that he should give me some writing in his office 
which he did grudgingly, but it did not amount to much. 
The next time I met him both of us were members of 
Congress and we were on an equal footing. I pursued my 
law studies diligently through the winter and into the 
summer. Politics ran high, however, and Mr. Otis’s 
office was a rendezvous for the Whigs and the discussions 
and the interest I took in politics interfered with progress 
in my studies. 

About the middle of the summer I went up to Raynham 
to visit my relations and read law. One day when walk- 
ing from my uncle Edward’s to my grandfather Wash- 
burn’s I was seized with a severe pain in my right hip. 
I had felt the pain before slightly and thought it would 
pass off. On the contrary, it continued and increased. 
It was evidently an attack of “hip disease,” foreboding 
the most serious consequences. The thought of being thus 
stricken down and becoming an invalid and perhaps a 
cripple for life depressed me dreadfully. All my relations 
at Raynham showed me great sympathy. ‘There was 
nothing for me to do, however, but to return to Hallowell 
and seek Dr. Nourse’s advice. Though he applied rem- 
edies I grew worse, and finally could only hobble about 
with the aid of a cane. I attempted to pursue my law 
studies, but my mental and physical sufferings were great. 
The doctor finally concluded to try the severe remedy of 


166 


Israel, Elihu and Cadwallader Washburn 


a seton on the hip. I think it did some good, but [ still 
suffered. 

And then, in the winter of 1838-9 the time had come 
for me to make another departure. I had been over a 
year in the law office of Mr. Otis and I had determined 
that I must have a year or more in a law office in Boston 
and at the Cambridge Law School. Through the kindness 
of friends I could see my way clear in the matter of funds. 
I left Hallowell in the dead of the winter when the weather 
was fearfully cold. From Hallowell I took the stage 
sleigh at four o’clock in the morning and went through to 
Portsmouth, New Hampshire, that day, arriving at nine 
or ten o’clock at night. The next day I went to Salem 
where I took the railroad to Boston, this being the first 
time I had ever travelled on a railroad. I entered the 
office of Derby and Andrews to study till the term of the 
law school at Cambridge should begin. The firm did a 
large business and I learned a great deal about office 
practice and went a great deal into the courts to see how 
cases were tried. ‘There were great judges on the bench 
and the Suffolk bar was at the zenith of its glory. When 
I entered the law school the two professors were Mr. 
Justice Story and Simon Greenleaf. The students came 
from all parts of the country. Among them were Charles 
Devens, afterwards on the supreme court of Massachu- 
setts and attorney general of the United States, Richard 
H. Dana, James Russell Lowell, Charles A. Peabody, 
afterwards a leading lawyer in New York, and William 
M. Evarts. I was at the law school and in the office of 
Derby and Andrews for about fourteen months. I studied 
diligently and made fair progress, but my hip troubled 
me a great deal. I consulted Dr. Hewitt and under his 
advice bathed my leg and hip in strong decoctions of bark, 
but I did not think I was benefited. I thought the seton 
inserted by Dr. Nourse which had healed up did me good, 
so I inserted with my own hand six small setons and kept 
them running for a long time. The scars still remain. 
The setons seemed to draw away the inflammation and 


Elihu Benjamin Washburne : 167 


the disease gradually disappeared. Still I suffered more 
or less pain in walking for two or three years. 

It was impossible for me to pursue my law studies 
longer. I had incurred debts and obligations which 
weighed heavily on my mind and I was unwilling to tax 
still further the kindness and generosity of my friends. 
My brother Cadwallader had gone West in the spring of 
1839 and was living at Stephenson, now the city of Rock 
Island, Illinois. I made up my mind to go West too. First 
I would join Cadwallader; but my inclination was to 
settle in Iowa, which had been admitted a territory a year 
before. It was important, however, that I should be ad- 
mitted to the bar before leaving Massachusetts as that 
would give me a certain prestige and enable me to be ad- 
mitted at once in any other state. Before I could be 
admitted in Massachusetts I must pass an examination 
before a judge of the supreme or common pleas court. 
I determined to try an examination before Judge Wilde 
of the supreme court, an able and upright judge, but of the 
old school, with very set notions. When he had been 
admitted to the bar a candidate for admission had to be 
“college learned”? and must have studied law for three 
years; or if he was not “college learned”? he must have 
studied for seven years. I had procured satisfactory 
certificates from Judge Story and Dr. Greenleaf, that of 
Judge Story being particularly strong, and with these 
documents I went before Judge Wilde. He questioned 
me as to how long I had studied law, what college I had 
been to, etc. I told him, but added that I was going to the 
far West to practice law. I saw that I had made no im- 
pression on him and that he thought I had not studied a 
sufficient length of time to justify his giving me a certificate 
of admission. He plied me vigorously with abstruse 
questions intended to catch me and I was not surprised 
when he told me that he did not find me entitled to a 
certificate. ‘This was, of course, a grave disappointment, 
but I immediately bethought myself that there were 
other judges in Massachusetts besides Judge Wilde, and 
I resolved that after studying a little longer I would 


168 


Israel, Elihu and Cadwallader Washburn 


apply to one of them. It was not long before I was em- 
boldened to present myself before Judge Strong who was 
holding the court of common pleas in Midale County. 
I kept my own counsel and never told a human being about 
my disastrous repulse by Judge Wilde. Judge Strong was 
an old man, as I now remember him, and was from the 
western part of the state. His heart and sympathy had 
not been frozen by the east winds at Boston. His recep- 
tion was reassuring. ‘There was as much difference be- 
tween it and the reception Judge Wilde had given me as 
there is between an ice house and a room with a genial 
fire. He read my certificates, asked about my studies 
and where I was from, and then he examined me. I 
answered his questions satisfactorily and he gave me a 
note to the clerk of the court ordering him to make out a 
license for me to practice law in all the courts of Massachu- 
setts. 

The time had now come, the last of February, 1840, 
when I was to go West. I had money enough to pay all 
my bills and my expenses to the North West. Once there 
I must begin earning a living at once. I feel grateful for 
the kindness of my brother Sidney while I was in Boston 
and Cambridge. He was always on the lookout to serve 
me. I am grateful to all my relations at Raynham. 

On March 2, 1840, I took the train from Taunton to 
Mansfield and connected with the train from Boston to 
Providence where I took the boat to New York. In New 
York I had my life insured for the benefit of my creditors. 
I determined to go West by way of Baltimore so as to 
visit Washington. I left New York late in the afternoon 
and arrived at Philadelphia at eleven o’clock at night. 
The next morning I left Philadelphia at eight by rail and 
reached Baltimore at three in the afternoon. At four I 
left Baltimore by rail for Washington and arrived at half 
past six. I stopped at the American House, near the 
Capitol, and paid $8 per week for board. The hotel was 
kept by a man named Beers who continued to keep it for 
some years after I came to Congress. I was in Washington 
for a week and never have I been so much interested. I 


Elihu Benjamin Washburne 169 


was excited at what was going on in Congress, and I 
regretted that I could not be in both Senate and House 
at the same time. 

George Evans was the representative from the Kennebec 
district. I had known him well in Hallowell and went to 
see him. He took me to the White House and introduced 
me to President Van Buren. The President was a little, 
dapper, Dutch-looking man, with a little bald head, small 
features, but bright and intelligent countenance. He was 
courteous and polite but somewhat reserved in his manners 
as it appeared to me. 

Having no more time or money to spend in Washington 
I left there on Wednesday, March 11, 1840, taking the 
railroad to Frederick, Maryland, which was as far as it 
went. We there took the stage to cross the Allegheny 
Mountains and tremendous staging it was. There was a 
great deal of travel and there were opposition lines. The 
consequence was that we travelled at great speed and 
made no stops except to swallow hasty meals. After being 
on the stage for two days and nights we arrived at Wheel- 
ing, Virginia, on Friday at noon. As good luck would 
have it the steamboat Reporter was at the landing ready 
to start for St. Louis. It had cost me twenty-one dollars 
to go from Washington to Wheeling and Captain Cald- 
well was taking passengers on the Reporter from Wheeling 
to St. Louis for eighteen dollars and finding them. Leav- 
ing Wheeling on Friday we reached Cincinnati at half 
past eight Sunday morning and I presented several letters 
which Richard Houghton of the Boston Atlas had given 
me. I was kindly received, and on Tuesday morning Mr. 
Whiteman, a prominent merchant in Cincinnati, took me 
to see General Harrison. Being an ardent Whig I was 
enthusiastic about him. We knocked at the door and the 
general himself answered our summons. I described him 
at the time in a letter to my brother as, “a hard-faced, 
keen, eagle-eyed, grey headed old gentleman—frank, 
plain, simple, cordial, ingenuous.”” I went on: “We sat 
down and talked about half an hour upon various subjects, 
but mostly on politics. His voice is very fine and his 


170 


Israel, Elihu and Cadwallader Washburn 


conversation chaste and pure to a remarkable degree. 
You only want to see him and talk with him to become 
satisfied that he is the man for the people.”’ While I was 
in the city talking with the future President, our steam- 
boat departed for Louisville and left me behind. Fortu- 
nately, the steam packet, General Pike was about leaving 
for the same port, so I got aboard of her and easily over- 
took the Reporter before she left Louisville. Then we went 
rapidly down the Ohio. Some distance below Evans- 
ville, Indiana, when going fast, the main shaft of the 
engine broke, tearing up the cabin and creating great 
confusion among the passengers. The boat would have 
to wait until a new shaft could be made and sent down 
from Evansville. The passengers could wait till the re- 
pairs were made or receive back part of their passage 
money and go on by another boat when it should come 
along. I determined to go on. Before long a large New 
Orleans boat called The Tarquin came and several of us 
got aboard for Cairo. We arrived there early and went 
ashore. And what a horrible place it was—half over- 
flowed, with a few scattered buildings, infested with 
river thieves, gamblers and cut throats. The hotel was a 
small, two-story frame building, quite a distance from the 
landing, and thither we went to await a boat for St. Louis. 
The first one to come was the Otter, a new boat on her 
first trip, being brought from Pittsburg, owned by the 
Harrises from Galena and commanded by Captain Smith 
Harris. She was crowded with passengers, notwith- 
standing that her cabin was unfinished. We were packed 
like sardines and slept on the main cabin floor. She had 
not much power and made slow headway against the 
currents. We were three days in getting to St. Louis. 
I found St. Louis very interesting. The French character 
and aspect of the place had not then worn off and the 
French element predominated. It was a busy, stirring 
place, with many steamboats at the levee loading and dis- 
charging cargoes. I looked for a boat going to Stephenson 
and Davenport but there was none going above the lower 
rapids. The Burlington was going as far as Keokuk the 


Elihu Benjamin Washburne 171 


next day so I took passage. Then I went into the town 
to see Nathaniel Holmes with whom I had been to the 
law school in Cambridge. He took me “Away out of 
town,” as he called it, to see the foundation of a tremen- 
dous hotel they were building. It was the Planter’s House 
on Fourth street. The Burlington got to Keokuk in due 
time. There was nothing there but a string of log cabins 
under the bluff, occupied by Indians, half-breeds, traders 
and groggery keepers. There were half a dozen drunken 
squaws parading up and down the bank of the river, 
yelling and hooting like mad. Fortunately, the dAma- 
ranth, Captain Atcheson, was just ready to leave Keokuk 
for Galena. She was the crack boat of the upper Mis- 
sissippi of that day and Captain Atcheson was the prince 
of steamboat captains. We stopped at all the towns on 
our way up. Burlington was the most considerable of 
them, and there I met James W. Grimes, afterwards 
governor of Iowa and United States senator. At this 
time all the people along the river depended upon the 
boats for their news, and as political excitement ran high, 
when a boat came in sight, the whole town rushed to the 
landing to see who was on board and get the news., We 
arrived at Stephenson where my brother Cadwallader 
was, at four or five o’clock of a pleasant afternoon. There 
was a big crowd on the levee and straining my eyes I saw 
him—a tall, spare green-looking young man with a gray 
plush cap. I remained several days with him and made 
many acquaintances. He was then reading law with an 
old friend of ours from Maine, Joseph B. Wells, after- 
wards lieutenant governor of Illinois. ‘The supreme ques- 
tion with me was where to locate. 


Here the autobiography breaks off. 

Cadwallader had told Elihu that Illinois was a better 
place to settle in than Iowa and that the most promising 
locality was in the northern part near the Mississippi 
River not far from the Wisconsin border at a place called 
Galena where lead mines had recently been opened. 


172 Israel, Elihu and Cadwallader Washburn 


Elihu went to Galena arriving there on April 1, 1840. 
They had told him in Stephenson that there were eight or 
nine Democratic lawyers in Galena, but only one Whig 
lawyer and that political feeling was so strong that the 
Whig litigants would choose a lawyer of their own political 
faith if they could. On April 1, 1871, in Paris, Washburne 
made this entry in his diary: 

“Tt is thirty-one years ago this day since I arrived at 
Galena. I was a passenger in the little stern-wheel steam- 
boat Pike, Captain Powers. We arrived at the levee 
before daylight, and when I got up in the morning it was 
bright and clear, . . . The mud in the streets knee-deep, 
the log and frame buildings all huddled together; the river 
full of steamboats discharging freight, busy men running 
to and fro, and draymen yelling. Those were the golden 
days of Galena.” 

Washburne determined to settle in Galena almost 
immediately after he had reached the town. He rented 
two rooms for ten dollars per month, which he shared with 
Horace H. Houghton, editor of the Whig paper, Houghton 
paying three dollars and sharing his bedroom. He found 
a boarding house where he paid four dollars per week. It 
was a log cabin and his office on Bench street was built 
partly of logs, being on the second floor with three win- 
dows, and furnished with a table, three chairs and a 
Franklin stove. He had the building whitewashed and 
wrote home that he was “very respectably situated.” 
On Monday, April 6 (five days after his arrival) his sign 
as a lawyer was out. He thought Galena “a horrid rough 
place,” but the lead mines made a place of business where 
there was much money in circulation, and lawyer’s fees 
were high. The population was 4000 with about a dozen 
lawyers. ‘“‘The people” said Elihu, “are a litigious set.” 


Elihu Benjamin Washburne 173 


Within a month he had clients and had done more than 
enough business to pay his expenses; also he had made 
two or three political speeches. He had three cases at 
the first term of court held in Galena after he settled there. 
As early as May 2, 1840, he was ready to send money 
home to his brother Sidney in Boston. His practice was 
of a varied character; for example, the defense of a member 
of “‘the Bellview gang” for stealing, for which he received 
a fee of forty dollars and the defense of a burglar which 
carried a fee of twenty-five dollars. The thief was con- 
victed but the jury disagreed about the burglar. He was 
engaged in a case of some importance with Charles S. 
Hempstead, one of the leading lawyers. The other 
lawyers were men of talent Washburne thought, but 
some were bullies, gamblers and drunkards. He attended 
the Episcopal church in Galena because it was the best 
in the town. Very soon after he had settled he liked 
Galena. He found its society pleasant and even thought 
it gay and fashionable. 

So his career was fixed and thenceforth law and politics 
engrossed his life, until the politics crowded out the law. 
He had business before the Supreme Court of the United 
States four years after his office had been opened in Galena. 
In 1844, three years after he had settled at that place he 
was a delegate to the Whig national convention at Balti- 
more and presented Henry Clay’s name as the candidate 
for the Presidency. In 1848 he was the Whig candidate 
for Congress and was defeated. In 1852 he was a delegate 
to the Whig convention which nominated General Scott 
for the Presidency. In the same year he was elected a 
representative in Congress. His majority was only 286 
votes; but it rose at successive elections until in 1860 it 
was 12511. A change in the districting of the state then 


174 Israel, Elihu and Cadwallader Washburn 


reduced it to 3711, and in 1868 it was 9200. He served 
in Congress for nine successive terms, for eighteen years, 
and became the “Father of the House.” He was chair- 
man of the Committee on Commerce for ten years and 
from 1867 to 1869 chairman of the Committee on Appro- 
priations. He was a member of the joint Committee on 
Reconstruction after the Civil War and chairman of the 
Committee of the Whole in the impeachment of Andrew 
Johnson, President of the United States. At various 
times movements were made to make him senator from 
Illinois. The first one was in 1865; the last in 1879, when 
David Davis, an Independent, was elected. The belief 
was general at that time that if the regular Republican 
candidate, General Logan, had withdrawn from the 
contest Mr. Washburne would have been chosen. As 
early as 1875, his friends proposed his name as that of a 
suitable candidate for the presidential nomination from 
the Republicans, and in the convention of 1880 some 
forty delegates voted for him. In 1874 when a change in 
the head of the Treasury Department was about to take 
place the Secretary of State, Hamilton Fish, and the 
Secretary of the Navy, George M. Robson asked Mr. 
Washburne to become Secretary of the Treasury, but he 
positively declined for reasons of health and from family 
considerations. In 1876 several Illinois newspapers pro- 
posed him for governor of Illinois, and his name was 
brought forward for that post on several succeeding occa- 
sions. He retired from the post of Minister to France in 
1878, having been continuously in the national service for 
twenty-six years. Upon his retirement he changed his resi- 
dence to the city of Chicago and interested himself in lit- 
erary and historical pursuits as well as politics. He was pres- 
ident of the Chicago Historical Society from 1884 to 1887. 


ESTABLISHMENT AT GALENA 


Elihu Washburne honored his father and mother. He 
did not attribute his hard youth to any dereliction on the 
part of his father and in reality there had been none. 
The father’s pecuniary misfortunes were as unavoidable 
as the blindness which came upon him and rendered him 
helpless during the last years of his life. Elihu’s contribu- 
tions to the support of the old parents were regarded by 
him simply as a duty. 

Maine was always the center of his affections. He had 
never been outside of the borders of that state and Mas- 
sachusetts till he was twenty-four years old. Back of him 
lay generations of New England stock. In Illinois he was 
an active member of the organization known as “‘The 
Society of the Sons of the State of Maine” which had as 
its object “to revive and perpetuate the memories of our 
early homes and native state.” Hardly a year went by 
that he did not revisit the home of his birth and youth. 
He had a restless life—from the East to the West, and in 
the West, from Galena to Chicago; more often in Washing- 
ton than in Illinois; eight years in Europe, from Paris to 
Bohemia; ever moving, hardly spending six months 
continuously in one place in the whole of his life; but in 
whatever place, the mining town, or representing a West- 
ern constituency in Washington, or in foreign capitals and 
health resorts, always a son of New England, formed upon 
a New England model, steeped in New England traditions, 
talking, acting and thinking as a New England man. In 
all essential particulars he was as much a son of Maine as 

175 


176 Israel, Elihu and Cadwallader Washburn 


his brother Israel who lived his whole life within fifty 
miles of the place where he was born. | 

He cast in his fortunes with a conglomerate community. 
Galena, when he went there, presented many varying 
types of humanity. There were the miners, Americans, 
Germans, Swiss, good men and bad men and all rough 
men; there were the free-living lawyers,—a lawyer in those 
days and those communities was not expected to be of 
Puritanical habits;—there were the sturdy pioneers like 
himself who had gone West to succeed and would have 
succeeded anywhere. To these should be added the 
floating adventurers who liked change and excitement, and 
the criminals who found a good field for operation among 
miners and in a new community where no one knew any- 
thing of his neighbor’s past. 

But there was a little group of cultured people also. 
Washburne spoke about the women and complained that 
he missed some gayety because he could not dance. A 
few years before his arrival a traveller who visited Galena 
illustrated the variety which constituted its social life 
by saying that he had met J. P. B. Gratiot’s wife who was 
born and educated in Paris, Henry Gratiot’s wife who was 
born and educated in Connecticut and Mrs. Croonce who 
was born and educated in London. 

When Washburne attended his first term of court in 
Illinois he was associated in one case with Charles S. 
Hempstead and this was the beginning of a fateful connec- 
tion. Hempstead was the oldest member of the Galena 
bar and had more cases on the calendar of the court than 
all the other lawyers combined. He had partial paralysis 
of the fingers of the right hand and wrote with difficulty. 
In the fall of 1840, he proposed to Washburne to take a 
desk in his office, board in his family and in return assist 


ws Ei hus Benjamin’ Washbirne oS By 


hint in writing: He would also turh' ovér'to' Washburtié 
some’of his stnaller' cases:' Accordingly; ‘the log boarding 
house! and: ‘the’ half-log' office! were abandéned ‘anid’ Wash+ 
burne’went into'the‘office of the first lawyer of the vicinity, 
a’ man'of high character, of influential connéctioti and of 
large 'experience? | After temaining withhim for‘ a ‘year 
Washburne'’s practied had so far increased ‘that he'found 
it to/his advantage ‘to open a: separate office. He formed'a 
pattnership' ‘with’ Hempstead: again’ in'845, however; ‘and 
continued it for’ some’ > years at ine had been elected a 
congressman. ata ac 
-Chatlés Hempstead’ was: hee beaten! ‘of? that!’ Mis 

Henty Gratiot who'was describedias having'beén’ born’ anid 
edticated in Connecticut. ‘Henry ‘Gratiot ‘had ‘died’ in’ 
1836 and his widow and her eight children, four boys «anid 
four girls, were living at'Gratiot's Grove, a‘primeval ‘wood 
with a 'widé expanse of rolling praitic. around ‘it; ‘situated 
a few‘ miles ‘north of Galena at” “Gratiot” S. Survey,” the 
best’ known’ of ‘the: lead’ “‘diggings!’’' The: Grove‘ was ‘adc 
tually ‘in’ Wisconsin, ‘but’ at the’ time’ ofthe’ settlement it’ 
was’ commonly supposed’ tobe in IMinois. The’ Gratiots 
were 'a‘famous' family. The first‘ one'to ‘come to’ Ameri¢a 
was' Heiiry’ Gratiot’s’ father, ‘Charles: ‘Gratiot; ‘who wis’ 
borh in' La Rochelle; France) in 173; but, being’ a! Hugue~ 
not,’ fled to Switzerland; whence he‘came'first to London; 
then to'Cahada ‘and’then to the Illinois’region:; ‘There’ he’ 
became’ one' of the’ best known'df the early fur-traders: He 
was ‘a! ‘patriot during the Revolution’ and’ performed im: 
portant Setvices for General George ‘Rogers ‘Clark. | Soon 
after the Revolution he went to upper Louisiana’ ‘and! 
settled in ‘St. Léuis. Theré’he married Victoire Chouteau, 
a tnember-of one of the French’ famili¢s which had founded 
that town.’ ‘Two of Chatles Gratiot’s' sons; Jéan Pierre’ 


178 Israel, Elihu and Cadwallader Washburn 


Bugnion Gratiot and Henry Gratiot, went to the new 
lead mines on the Mississippi River in 1826 and settled 
at the Grove which became known by their family name. 
One reason why they left St. Louis was that they wished 
to live in a place where there were no slaves. Thirteen 
years before, on January 21, 1813, Henry Gratiot had 
married Susan Hempstead in St. Louis. She was the 
daughter of Stephen Hempstead of Connecticut, a 
soldier in the Revolution, who had served at Bunker Hill 
and as sergeant in the company of Nathan Hale. Stephen 
Hempstead’s son, Edward Hempstead, was the first 
delegate in Congress from the newly organized territory 
of Missouri and consequently the first representative 
in the national Congress from the country west of the 
Mississippi. 

The rest of the story so far as it concerns us is soon told. 
Young Washburne, as a member of Edward Hemp- 
stead’s family, was thrown with the Gratiots, and met 
Henry Gratiot’s third daughter, Adéle, who was born in 
Galena in 1826, being probably the first white child born 
in that town. When Washburne first saw her she was 
only fourteen years old, but girls were called women at an 
early age in those days. She had been educated at a con- 
vent of The Visitation and had lived in St. Louis with her 
aunt, often visiting Madame Chouteau, another aunt, a 
lady of importance, one of those who gave the French 
atmosphere to the place. Madame Chouteau, it should be 
remarked, was a Catholic, but Henry Gratiot’s daughter 
was a Huguenot and, following her mother’s church, was a 
Presbyterian. 

Five years after he had met her, on July 31, 1845, 
Adéle Gratiot and Elihu Washburne were married at 
Galena. It is recorded that Madame Chouteau insisted 


Elihu Benjamin Washburne 179 


that the whole of the bride’s trousseau should come from 
Paris. 

Their union lasted for forty-two years, for all of her 
womanhood and for nearly all of his manhood. He was a 
masterful man, controlling those about him, driving ahead 
on the way he had marked out for himself, self-reliant and 
determined. He was not under the influence of anyone 
except his wife who had much to do with the directing of 
his career. It was on her account he studied French 
history, mastered the language and went as Minister to 
France, that he admitted into his mental outlook an en- 
tirely new and liberalizing element. Even in the family, 
French was always spoken. In fact, he fitted himself to 
be the husband of a half-French woman almost as much as 
environment had fitted him for a son of Maine. No 
personal trait of Washburne’s is as outstanding as the de- 
votion he felt and showed for his charming wife. She was 
his chief correspondent, and he, who was not a man of 
gentle ways, could write to her only in gentle tone. (Each 
of the letters quoted here contains some tenderness which 
has been omitted as the writer would have wished that it 
should be.) 

Because Washburne had married a daughter of the 
Gratiots and Hempsteads, Thomas H. Benton in the 
House of Representatives showed him special considera- 
tion when he entered Congress in 1852. Everything con- 
nected with Adéle Washburne’s family and history was 
of interest to him and a source of pride. Soon after she 
died he put up a memorial window to her grandfather, 
General Charles Gratiot, the friend and compatriot of 
General Francis Marion, in the Huguenot church in 
Charleston where General Gratiot had lived for a time. 
Thomas H. Benton gave Washburne a sketch of Edward 


(180 Israel, ilihu, and. Gadwallader Washburn 


‘empstead he had:written in,1818,,a year after,;Henyp- 
stead’s death. Washburne printed this in 1875 with.an 
historical sketch from his,own pen: of .Charles,,S,:Hemp- 
stead who had-died, December, 1o0,,1874. |, Later, he made 
ian»address:ion Edward, Hempstead. before. the,.Missouri 
legislature on: the,occasion of the presentation to. the|state 
‘of -aportrait:-of} Hempstead; painted .by| Gilbert, Stuart, 
ithe portnait::beihg.the gift of,;Mrs,; Washburne’s cousin, 
‘Edward: Hempstead: of: Chicago. In 1884:he gave.to the 
‘state Historical Society of, Wisconsin,},on,; behalf, of, his 
wife;.a portraitiof Henry Gratiot; and,made.an address 
before thatrsociety, giving the: historical facts concerning 
‘the! career ‘and: services of the more, Hida peiii 
of the Gratiot family. isa ve 

“The first’two sons of the seven mere when were, a Alu 
to: ElihusandiAdéle, Washburne were named. for his. wife's 
family; also his: two; daughters. ,. The,, first. \was,,called 
Gratiot, the:second: Hempstead, the, third,William Pitt, 
the fourth E.!B. Washburne, Jr. (born 1857, died 1862), 
the fifth: Susan Adele, ::the sixth, (Marie, ;Lisa;; and) ;the 
seventh E..B: Washbirne, Jr. »Of-hits children, Washburne 
was very fond although all had to bend to his will. ; ,,.../. 

| Mirs. \Washburne’s: influence:was not’ mecéssary; to, pre- 
sétve the: religious principles of -her husband... They; be- 
longed to ‘his »wp-bringing..and youth,and were deeply 
rooted: in a nature which .clung. tenaciously: to,:the; early 
training: These principles: were ;broadly ‘Christian, for 
the church of-his-childhood,and: youth: had:/been; Universa- 
list.) ‘As ‘we haveyseen! when ‘he first; went; to,,Galéna.he 
attended the Episcopal church, because -he ; happened .to 
like it, but after his! martiage he went/to the Presbyterian 
_,church with’ his! wife. » In. Chicago ,they,were,a.pant.\of 
‘Dr. ‘Swing’s' congregation}: iand/after, Dr. Swing iceased,{to 


wit Bhhu- Benjamin’ Washburne x0... ett 


bed Ptesbyterian they! attendedhis Independent, chureh: 
Washburne ‘never: belonged tor any: particular denominax 
tion and-was never: a. Fs WARE dni the: same sense as. ith 
brother ‘Israeli 1) y!5 

In 1837 (October Wee Hee was at Verallawell We 
wrote to his brother Sidney: “But this going to the thea- 
tre is devilish bad business for young men, and I hope and 
pray that you will curse and quit it forthwith. As for 
myself, I would as soon think of going to his Satanic 
Majesty as going there. The theatre is no place for young 
men. Mark those words.”’ He modified these views as 
time went on; in fact, after the Washington life began he 
went to the theatre often; and we find him, after his 
return from Paris, giving a letter of introduction to friends 
in Paris to Miss Mary Anderson, the actress, who was 
making her first visit to that city, the request for the letter 
coming from Colonel Tom Ochiltree of Texas. In his 
autobiography he stated that he neither smoked nor drank 
alcoholic liquors. This was literally true as to tobacco, 
but after he rose in the world his table was like that of any 
other man of his class, wine was served and he himself 
drank it moderately. 

The world was before Elihu and Adéle Washburne when 
they married. He was making a living—that was all—and 
she brought him a desirable family connection but no 
fortune. Yet they faced the future without fear. He was 
an intrepid man and she never had a doubt that he could 
do anything which he set out todo. She was well- 
educated, intelligent and blessed with intuitive tact. . 
She accepted any place in which she might be living with 
quiet adaptability. In appearance she was French—a very 
pretty woman, small and slight with dark brown, almost 


182 Israel, Elihu and Cadwallader Washburn 


black eyes, soft black hair, regular features and clear 
white complexion. She was a woman of gentle manners 
and quiet dignity, loving her home, adoring her children, 
waited upon by servants completely devoted to her. 


PRE-WAR POLITICAL ACTIVITIES 


The following extracts of letters selected from a great 
number are sufficient to illustrate certain facts of Wash- 
burne’s political career before the Civil War. He took an 
absorbing interest in political affairs before he was of age; 
he was a Whig but became a Republican as soon as that 
party was organized; he was a contemporary of Abraham 
Lincoln in the politics of Illinois; he was active in the 
anti-slavery propaganda after the Kansas question came 
up; he favored the nomination of Lincoln for the Presi- 
dency. After his election to Congress in 1854 his progress 
as a public man of national importance was steady and 
uninterrupted. It culminated in 1880 when a few of his 
enemies prevented his nomination for the Presidency. 
His rise was not a sudden jump into prominence, but came 
gradually because of a growing impression that he had 
become familiar with public questions, that he was indus- 
trious and effective, that he was conscientious and honest 
and that his views of public policy were those which the 
majority of the people held. 

Washburne’s first committee service was on the Com- 
mittee on Manufactures; by 1856 he was chairman of the 
Committee on Commerce; at the same time his brother, 
Israel, was chairman of the Committee on Elections and 
Cadwallader was on the Committee on Military Affairs. 
Elihu remained chairman of the Committee on Commerce 
for thirteen years, when he became chairman of the 
Committee on Appropriations. The House now recog- 
nized him as one of its leaders. | 

183 


184 


Israel, Elihu and Cadwallader Washburn 


He wrote to his brother, Algernon Sidney: 


Hallowell, Sept. 19, 1837. 
This is a day of jubilee—the big guns are proclaiming in 
tones of thunder ithe prostration of loco-focoism, while the 
bells speak out in a very manner that Maine is regenerated. 
Will you believe it, that old Maine has burst the ignomini- 


‘ous thraldom of. 1 takers and now peers out as the 
Aim brightest stat in' the whole political ‘firmament. ° [t ts ‘even 


so—Maine'has gained herself unfailing’ laurels, ‘by achiev 


»»4 ing one of the brightest: victories ever recorded... What do 


ra 


., @)you think now, after telling me,so,many times that. there 


was, no, possibility « of carrying the good old State of Maine. 


Never mind—that was only “ Love’s labor lost” —Edward 
‘" Kent is Governor and Gorham Parks is defeated—Glory 
enough this for a’ ‘thousand ideo Nae? it' ‘to credit Of 

Olds Maine. fiieeoen eat x 


To hia sf, HeRnpon 
«Privates it : H Ouse Of ' Beph A Heth 28, eee) 


ry ee events pare for the last sek ‘the defection of the 


vi Douglas men and the almost certain passage of the Lecomp- 
* ton swindlé; has, T ‘hope, opened the eyes ‘of the country to 
‘the fact, that dhe only reliance is upon the republican’ party 
. and) all:we: have to do now:to:secureia, complete barat pbs an 


', gur,State is; to,act,with energy, and discretion, dl 


wehy bey ce deren 


in all my correspondence ‘i have insisted that we must 


stand by our principles and our men, and as for Senator, I 


was' for Lincoln ‘against ‘the field. That’ ‘the Republicans 


-: were bound:to stand by ‘him by every:consideration of honor 
and. fair: dealing, has, always been my position, and it,has 
been known to be my position., Itas generally known. where 

ii i am. If Iam for a man I. am for him, and if against him, I 
"am against him. 


"And yet standing as'I do stand in these matters, i ‘have 


- mot felt'it necessary to protest in'every ‘letter that Douglas 


should not work with us, but.in this great fight, operating 


\ ElihuBenjamin Washbourne... 185 


so vastly to our,benefit, I have.said, God speed him. IJ am 
rejoiced to see him laboring so mantle in a direction to 


smake' some amends for'the injury he has brought upon the 
‘country. He ‘is: doing a grand ‘sérvice for the republican 


party, and for’ one, while he pursues his present course, 
“T shall not‘ lay a straw’ in his path. He is fighting this 


~ 


‘Lecompton swindle in all its phases, with boldness and de- 
termination. If things go on, as it now seems inevitable, 


‘if he be ‘not with us, a vast number of his followers will 


be, and’ hence TI cannot see the wisdom of abusing either 
him, or them, ‘as’ matters stand now. I'‘have no’fears that 


the republican party is to be swallowed by them. I say 


leave open wide the doors and invite all to come into our 


.«platform and greet them: with\kind words. Our party is 


not so large but what it will hold a few more. 
, L have marked this letter private, but youvare at feeds 
to show it to Lincoln if-you think: slid i 


“January ra 18 59. Washington, D. (C. 


? Tigte sil aie al 4 


‘My dear Sir: I enclose you. herewith a prospectus for 


the “National Era.” This paper is not only the best 


representative of the living and genuine principles of the 


~~ Republican Party, but it is also a paper to distinguished 


‘literary ‘merit as well as one of the very best family news- 
papers of which I have any knowledge. 

At this time when great ¢ efforts are being made to get up 
an organization ‘in’ opposition to the present democratic 
organization which shallignore the great anti-slavery idea 


‘jupon which the Republican: Party: was founded, it is vastly 


important to have a paper circulated among the people 
that» will uphold the-standard ‘of: principle arid‘ not’ yield 


' it to every suggestion of temporary success. I am ‘anxious 
to see the’“Era” circulated’ in' every neighborhood ‘of our 


if 


‘) b> 
y 


‘Congressional district, and I would regard’ itasa personal 
favor if you would exert yourself to, get up as large. a club 
of subscribers as possible in your vicinity and forward the 
names as directed inthe prospectuses) jp0 oo or on etal 


186 


Israel, Elihu and Cadwallader Washburn 


To Mrs. WASHBURNE 


Thursday, Nov. 14, 1860, Home. 

I got home last night from Springfield. I spent night 
before last with Mr. Lincoln and his wife and had a very 
pleasant and satisfactory interview. I found Old Abe in 
fine spirits and excellent health, and quite undisturbed by 
the blusterings of the disunionists and traitors. You 
would pity me if you only saw the piles of letters [am now 
having. Although I write fast it will take me all day to 
answer those I have received since Monday. ..... 


To J. W. SHAFFER IN FREEPORT, ILL. 
Washington, D.C., April 4, 1860. 


The results in Conn and R. I. put a new phase on matters. 
It must now be patent to every sagacious man that we 
cannot elect Seward, and some other man must be nomi- 
nated at Chicago. I do really hope things will be so arranged 
that you or Turner will be the delegate from our end. 
Don’t make much talk before hand or commit yourselves 
for or against anybody. With a proper candidate, and 
either of you know who will be a proper candidate, the 
triumph is an absolute certainty. With an improper 
candidate our defeat is equally certain. But all this is 
private talk to you—I believe we agree exactly. 


To Mrs. WasHBURNE 


(March 1861) Sunday morning. 

Well, Old Abe rather came it over the Baltimore Plug 
uglies, and got here yesterday morning, without being 
known to anybody but Seward and myself. I went down 
to meet him, but Seward was not there, and so I took him 
into a hack and went to the hotel. He is very well, con- 
sidering how much he has been jaded and worn down. 
Mrs. Lincoln came last night. I shall not express my 
opinion of her untilI see you. .. . 


It is not to be supposed that his continuance in Congress 


Elihu Benjamin Washburne 187 


was effected without difficulty; on the contrary, every 
nomination he received required a great deal of manceu- 
vering, negotiation and struggle on his part. His district 
was not different from other lively political districts; it 
was a nest of ambitious, scheming politicians, honest and 
dishonest, fair and treacherous, and self-seeking to a man. 
It would require more space than the subject justifies to 
tell the story of the hundred plans which were hatched to 
defeat his nomination and the hundred plans which he 
devised to overcome them. The innumerable under- 
currents of Illinois politics have no abiding interest. Be- 
fore Lincoln became President, Washburne had no 
federal offices to bestow among his friends, except a 
few minor positions at the Capitol, for the executive power 
was in the hands of his political opponents. After 
Lincoln’s election, however, there was a plentiful flow of 
federal appointments made at his request. He did not 
neglect his opportunities in this direction. There was no 
civil service commission in his day and no pretense of 
making federal appointments to office for merit alone; 
political considerations entered into all of them. As a 
friend of Lincoln, Washburne’s recommendations were 
apt to be effective. 

The directions which his career in Congress took be- 
came clearly defined as his service proceeded. His first 
act was to introduce, on December 13, 1853, a resolution 
to the effect that it was the sense of Congress that the 
federal government had authority under the Constitution 
to build railroads through the territories. Seven months 
later, July 24, 1854, he introduced a resolution designed to 
prevent the absorption of public lands by a railroad in the 
territory of Minnesota. Fourteen years later, on Novem- 
ber 26, 1867, he asked the House to resolve that there 


188 Israel, Elihu and Cadwallader Washburn 


should, be: no. furthen appropriations: of: public slands:to 
states.ori corporations: for: building railroads; thatiall 
public lands should be held for private sale: by the govern: 
ment to actual settlers, His efforts:in this:direction had 
been unremitting.:: He furthered the building of the:Pactfe 
Railroad. ‘He'wasiin-favor of every measure whichlooked 
to theidevelopment ofithe:western;country, and -hetwatched 
jealously the efforts: df the railroads to take more:than they 
were actually entitled: to from: the: public: domain: Oh 
March 6,'1854, he carried through am:amendment!toithe 
horhestead: :law: which: permitted ‘aliens: whd had: made 
declaration of intention ‘to: become citizens of'the: United 
States :to take-up public: lands .on’ the ‘same: :footing as 
citizens. In his:speechion this measure he said:he thought 
that’ persons: of: coldr also: should ‘be allowed to take-up 
publicilands:: ‘His watchfulness over:'the interests: of :his 
own ‘stateiespecially and iof:the Northwest :generally: was 
incessant: »: Improvements: of the navigation ; of: the Mis: 
sissippi,'the salaries.of; territorial officers, establishment-of 
additional, mail :routes, the admission: of: Minnesota::asi:a 
state in:1858 ‘were: a few! of the many: measuresi:in ' this 
direction: which: he advocated: with zéal.:!: When the! tariff 
bill was up in 1857 he spoke on February) 14) 'in-favor of 
cotitinued: protection: of the lead: mining: industry.’ His 
speech | showed exhaustive: knowledge: of the subject) and 
its:development:in Illinois.: He became!known)as: one of 
the business members -of the House and:his work on 'the 
Committee on. Commerce looked ‘to business results.! 11 | 

‘March: 10;:'1856; ‘he had printed: an important: ‘report 
from: the State: Department on foreign. commerce:| This 
was the inauguration of the:séries' of publications known ag 
Commercial Relations of the United States: with foreign: na- 
tions and of the Consular Reports which have played.an ims 


<;, Edthu, Benjamin Washburue\..... 189 


ipontant, part in the development of our, foreign commerce. 
His.service,as chairman, of the Committee, on Appropria- 
tions came.after fourteen, years in the House;when he had 
iprobably.a greater knowledge of the government’s business 
than, any, other member... It was.then that) he ,became 
known as the “Watchdogiof the Treasury,’’,. guarding the 
public purse as jealously. as, if it had been, his own,,,and 
gaining aireputation,in the country. at large of, being the 
ifog ofall .who endeavored :to obtain, or/use the, govern- 
ment’s, money,.wrongfully, ,The: expenses of ,the: govern- 
iment. while he :was/in this ;mportant, position.,were) very 
great, because of the.necessities arising from the Civil, War. 
Those expenses, had, allured; many men into, embracmg 
false, schemes of finance, by substituting promises and notes 
.ofiobligation for,actual money, but Washburne stood firm 
for orthodox currency, and jon. December 15,1862, intro- 
duced a resolution that.it was; the sense of the, House that 
‘no, law, should. be ,passed changing. the; ‘Tequirement, that 
interest on the public debt should be paidin.coin,), | 

', Into., the , ‘controversial political affairs , of Congress 
ih biene plunged, with, keen, relish, On April, $, 1854, 
he, made,a. set, speech on,‘the; Kansas-Nebraska bill,,,. It 
iwas.a straightforward defense of the Missouri. Compromise 
and its inviolability., .He gave, the usual, arguments .for 
ithe right of free soil, but added, that, the bill violated, our 
treaties, with |the, Indians,, by, not, safeguarding,. their 
‘territory. to, them., He:instanced the unhappy fate of the 
‘Winnebagoes, .who,.,had, been,; driven, from,; their, ,land. 
Evidently his.mind reverted, to the, experiences )of Henry 
(Gratiot... ; The..Nebraska speech,'was; the,.first; of many 
political speeches by Washburne, and as time went on he 
engaged. more in the, rough, and, qmmable, e fighting of on- 
gressional debate. DEOL Ree CaN aes va ys Be tre 


190 Israel, Elihu and Cadwallader Washburn 


Here is one and an extreme example of the practical 
rough and tumble to which the debates sometimes de- 
generated, the account being contemporaneous. 

“On February 9, 1858, Keith of South Carolina rushed 
belligerently at Grow, of Pennsylvania, and received a 
blow from someone else which knocked him down. South- 
erners and Lecompton men then dashed to the rescue and 
prominent in the melée were Washburne of Illinois and 
Washburn of Wisconsin. Barksdale of Tennessee had 
hold of Grow, when Potter of New York struck him. 
Barksdale thought it was Elihu Washburne who had 
struck him and struck at Washburne. Cadwallader 
Washburn ran to protect his brother and seized Barks- 
dale by the hair. Barksdale’s hair was a wig and came off 
in Cadwallader’s hands. This incident was so funny that 
they all stopped to laugh and the pause put an end to the 
riot. Cadwallader restored Barksdale’s wig to him and in 
his excitement Barksdale put it on wrongside foremost.” 

In the prolonged contest over the Speakershipjin 
December, 1855, Washburne was on his feet constantly 
and showed shrewd parliamentary resources. When 
Lincoln was nominated to be President in 1860 Washburne 
made a speech in the House (May 29) on Lincoln’s personal 
history and public record. He had known him, he said, 
since he went to Illinois in 1840. The speech was long and 
contained little about Lincoln which is not known to every- 
body, but at the time it was made, Lincoln was not well 
known in the East and the words must have been useful 
in spreading information about him. Washburne was not 
given to long speeches, however, being incessantly engaged 
in the regular business of Congress. 

When he became by longer service than any other 
member the “Father of the House” the dignity of his 


Elihu Benjamin Washburne IgI 


position was second only to that of Speaker. He adminis- 
tered the oath of office to the Speaker, three times to 
Schuyler Colfax and once to Blaine. When each session 
began he moved the formal notification to the President 
and Senate that the House was in session and he was 
always appointed chairman of the committee which: 
conveyed the information by word of mouth to those 
coordinate branches of the government. To an American 
public man there are few positions more conspicuous and 
powerful than that of a recognized leader of the House of 
Representatives and that position was Washburne’s from 
the time of the Republican ascendancy in 1861 till he re- 
signed on March 6, 1869, to become Secretary of State in 
the Cabinet of General Grant. In consequence of his long 
service his friends in Illinois began to examine his career 
systematically. The Chicago Tribune printed an article 
in 1864, when it was hoped that Washburne might be 
promoted to be a senator from Illinois, which was copied 
by other papers. It mentioned his being “Father of the 
House” and probably the most influential member. 
Whatever he did, he did with his might and had a way of 
succeeding in whatever he undertook. Nervous energy, 
a strong will and knowledge of the rules had made him an 
effective member. He had battled for Grant and pro- 
cured for him the leadership of the army, crushing the 
rebellion. 

Shortly after Grant’s election, George Alfred Townsend 
(“Gath”) gave an impressionist picture of Washburne 
in his Cincinnati paper. 

“Here is E. B. Washburne,” he said; “a broad- 
shouldered, good-bellied, large, and yet a thin man. He 
leaves a plump impression upon your mind, while you 
admit his lankness. You say to yourself, inwardly, when 


192 = Israel, Elik and Cadwallader’Washburn 


he: hab.gorle—The* model 'is' Yankee, but’ the” Cargo ' is 
Western. The man was meant to be lathy,” ‘and longitude 
‘chucked’:.a good ‘deal'of' corn and: pork into him. ' ‘His 
agelis béyond fifty; say; for an ‘impression, fifty-four. ‘His 
hair is'gtay; he! dresses plainly; he has a’very impulsive 
rhanner, accompanied ‘with a’ look’ almost’ of!fanati¢isnt 
out: of : large: lightish-gray’ eyes.’ He wears nd ‘beard, the 
expression of his face in repose is'renderéd almost'uiitrans- 
latable: by his intense ‘industry; which; being of'a'‘tervots 
sort, ‘keeps:‘him ‘s¢rewed up’ to’ a’ ‘Hendleng! gait’ all’ the 
while... He never’ listéns''to' hear ‘his ‘own’ brother’ speak 
more‘ than ‘a few minutes, being brimiful! of things ' to do 
and ‘say, andthe’ lines ‘across’ his: forehead" deepen’ and 
thicken ashe scratches'away with a'péen, tears the wiappets 
off newspapers; whistles‘for'a page, leans’ ovet backward 
to talk quick and nervously, jumps up to objector inter 
ject remarks; and now and then stops when ‘at work td’ 
blow: off like: a steam engine; with ‘his hands’ béhitid ‘his! 
head;:clasped: Directly he is up 3 yonder in the’ diplomatié 
gallery, talking toa lady; again’ “down ‘in!’ Downing’s 
restaurant} taking provendér:'' ‘A horse‘and' buggy ‘comes 
with him to Congress'every ‘day; his house is up néat Geri! 
Grant’s and:close ‘by’ Sti ‘Aloysius’ church; if thé new’ 
suburban. parti-of ‘the! city; and! thére he’ lives’ ‘with his” 
farhilyarid:his rich’brother, Cadwallader’ Washburn, the’ 
General, of Wisconsin.” 

He-went on ‘to’ describe him as having 'all ‘the best’ Now 
England traits—‘He does not drink''a ‘drop’ of liquors‘ he’ 
never smokes. He has an affection ‘ofi the kidneys, which’ 
sometimes givés ‘him: exceeding pain, and is pena the 
cause ofihis testy exhibitions of temper.” 

He spoke of ithe -family:':\“ His’ love’ ‘of hig’ Bicch-plaee 
and ‘his honor of his father ‘and 'mother, are undéstentatious” 


Elihu Benjamin Washburne 193 


and profound. He and all the boys go home every year, 
sacredly, to see the old gentleman, whose hair is white 
as snow, but who looks like the father of generations to be. 
His 1s a fine face, well-featured, with each faculty express- 
ing its acuteness in the dignified totality. The old gentle- 
man has been photographed, with his remarkable brood 
of boys around him—a regular old Priam in the midst of 
his household of Trojans. 

“Of these boys, the ex-Governor of Maine has been 
said to be the ablest; the young ones are coming along 
vigorously. They love and strengthen each other up, 
though each is independent as a wood-sawyer.”’ 

They had paid their father back, he said, by building 
him a fine house. 

Washburne he said was “an educated, independent and 
scrupulously honest man, a watch-dog, indeed, over the 
public money, and a man oF moral courage, used to saying 
‘No’ with two o’s to it. 

“He is opposed to giving any more land to the Pacific 
railways believing them to be corrupt from scalp to bowels. 
He is opposed to giving away land any way, and money 
more, except on the homestead principle. He is perfectly 
reckless of the effect of any economy upon the fortunes 
of his party, and would have seen Gen. Grant defeated 
without remorse rather than to have voted for any 
popular corruption. He has not one friend in this city 
among the Speculators, ring makers and place seekers, 
and these constitute the bulk of the town. All of these 
would be so glad to see him go away that they would 
labor with the corrupt Senators to get him confirmed for 
any executive appointment. . . 

“What does Washburne want? I don’t believe that 
Gen. Grant knows; I don’t believe that Washburne has 


194 Israel, Elihu and Cadwallader Washburn 


made up his mind. I don’t know that he wants anything. 
His friends are Dawes, of Massachusetts and Allison, of 
Iowa, and only one or two more. Among the citizens here 
he has made few acquaintances. He is a very plain man, 
with a comfortable home, up to the eyes in public business, 
and he has no design to be driven away from Gen. Grant, 
whom he likes and admires. His family, I have heard, 
wish to go abroad, where Mr. Washburne has been al- 
ready for his health’s sake. His wife being French by 
descent and scholarship, might like to go to Paris. If 
this be the case, and Grant wants to send Washburne 
there, I suppose that Gen. Dix could be called home, and 
might possibly go in the Cabinet, though he is up 1n years.” 

The New York Tribune gave another picture more 
minute and less highly colored. “He had a broad high, 
square forehead with projecting corners at the temples. 
His hair was iron gray, worn long, half rolled under at the 
ends like a Southerner’s or a man from the rural districts. 
The ears were large, the eyebrows not very heavy pre- 
senting a straight line near the nose. The eyes were large 
and full, though deepset, of blueish gray and shining like 
diamonds. The nose was prominent. The cheeks were 
slightly sunken, of pale freshness. The mouth was large, 
the lips thin and compressed, forming almost a straight line 
across the face. His dress was plain but he wore a stock 
instead of a neckerchief. His voice was full and deep, his 
style of speaking easy and offhand and more convincing 
than that of any other member of the House. He was 
earnest and forcible in his expressions and went into an 
argument or a debate with honest enthusiasm and thrill- 
ing excitement. His gestures were wild in the extreme but 
not ungraceful. Socially he was a gem of rarest price.” 

To these descriptions should be added that he was five 


Elihu Benjamin Washburne 195 


feet ten and a half inches tall, that his hair had been a 
sandy brown before it became gray, that his complexion 
was rather dark, that his hand was short and broad, and 
his feet small and well proportioned and that he wore well- 
fitting boots, being, in fact, proud of his feet. His clothing 
was of broadcloth, blue or black, cut in the fashion of the 
day, the same one year with another. 

Mrs. Julia Washburn, his cousin’s wife, went to a recep- 
tion at the White House in 1876 when Grant was Pres- 
ident and saw Elihu Washburne enter the room and heard 
the people say, “No one has filled a room as Washburne 
does since the days of Daniel Webster.” His manners 
were cordial and easy, but he was always impressive. He 
was a great talker. 


WARTIME SERVICE 


Every measure designed to prosecute the war vigorously 
was favored by Washburne. He was one of the staunchest 
supporters of the administration. He criticized none of 
its measures and went along with it and the majority of 
his party in his opinions and his actions as a representa- 
tive. He watched over the interests of Illinois troops and 
Illinois officers especially. He did not try to transfer his 
services to the field. His brothers, Cadwallader and 
Samuel were in service, Samuel in the navy, a lieutenant 
on a gunboat called the Galena. He himself was content 
to do his share towards saving the Union, in Congress. 
In fact, his physical condition was such that he could not 
have held a commission in the army. But he actually did 
see something of war. 


To Mrs. WAsHBURNE 
Washington, D.C. July 18, 1861. 


Yesterday was one of the most interesting days I ever 
passed. As I wrote you yesterday morning, I went out 
with the advance of the grand army on Fairfax Court 
House. Four of us, Gov. Lane and Mr. Colfax of Indiana, 
Mr. Hill of the N. Y. Tribune and myself took a carriage 
and started at § o'clock in the morning. After proceeding 
on the “sacred soil of Virginia’ about 10 miles we overtook 
the advancing column at the place where they bivouacked 
the night before. The column extended three or four 
miles, and it was the most exciting scene I ever witnessed— 
a great army on its march to the battle field. There were 
the two Rhode Island Regiments, with their white fore- 
locks and red blankets on their backs—their bright bay- 
onets gleaming in the hot sun. Then followed the long 


196 


Elihu Benjamin Washburne 197 


trains of heavy artillery, some immense guns requiring 
eight horses to haul one of them. The New Hampshire 
Regiment followed, a splendid body of men; then came the 
regiment of Zouaves, with their red breeches making a 
magnificent appearance; then a splendid company of U. S. 
Flying Artillery; then a whole regiment of regular U. S. 
Infantry; then the U. S. Marines, and the rear followed by 
four companies of regular U. S. Cavalry. There were also 
other regiments, and then such a host of baggage waggons, 
carriages, ambulances, etc. as you can hardly conceive of. 
They would not let our carriage enter the column, and as 
I could not stay in the rear, I started on foot for the head 
of the column, marching with the soldiers. Col. Marston 
of the New Hampshire Regiment lent me his horse and I 
rode forward to within 100 yards of the very front of the ad- 
vance, where the commanding Genl. McDowell and his 
staff were. The enemy had felled large numbers of trees 
across the road in these different places to impede our 
march, but the soldiers, with their axes soon cut them out 
of the way. Within about two miles of the Court House 
we drove in the enemy’s picket guards. Now it became 
vastly exciting, as nobody knew whether we were to have 
a fight, or a foot race. Skirmishers were out on all sides 
to look for masked batteries and pit falls, and we moved 
forward very cautiously. Soon we came in sight of the 
entrenchments of the enemy. For a long distance this 
side, they had thrown down all the fences, and cut down 
all the trees, so that the range of their guns could not be 
interfered with. One column with fixed bayonets and at a 
quick step pressed on, but the bird had flown. The cavalry 
had taken to their heels three hours before—had left their 
camps and run like white-heads. The entrenchment was 
about half a mile from the village and had been put up at 
vast labor. The embrasures were all filled in with sand 
bags, one of which, marked ‘‘ Confederate States,” I have 
got asatrophy. The rebel troops evidently left in a hurry. 
An officers’ camp was found with breakfast all set and the 
table left in that way. Passing by the entrenchments the 
troops moved quickly into the village, the men cheering 


198 


Israel, Elihu and Cadwallader Washburn 


and the bands playing. Soon the four companies of cavalry 
which had been in the rear, were ordered up to give chase 
to the flying rebels, and it was a grand sight to see four 
hundred of them dash through the main street of the town 
ata gallop. It reminded me of the charge of the cuirassiers 
of Nansonsty and La Tour D’Auvergne which we read of in 
the wars of the great Napoleon. The troops soon began to 
scatter about the town and I blushed at the scenes of pillage 
and robbery on every side. Houses were broken into and 
completely gutted. At the little village of Germantown, 
two miles beyond Fairfax, six houses were burned. Our 
soldiers exhibited a most revengeful spirit. Fairfax Court 
House is quite a village,—30 years ago it must have been 
quite an important place. It is situated on uneven ground 
and is full of shade trees. It is now the very picture of 
desolation. Nearly all the people had fled, expecting there 
would bea great battle. There are some fine houses there 
and handsome yards. Having seen all there was to be seen, 
and more particularly the star spangled banner flying from 
the court house, we started on our return home—distance 18 
miles—and arrived at dark, worn out with fatigue and hunger. 


MEMORANDUM FOR Mrs. WASHBURNE 


July 20 ’61, 4 P. M. Went to McDowell’s head 
quarters—found there McDowell, Col. Burnside and James 
B. Fry together with Genl. Wilson. McD. and Burnside 
were apparently in consultation about a forward move- 
ment—McD. stated to us his embarrassment—troops 
leaving, their time being out, etc. etc.—supposed the 
enemy to bein very large force and appeared to be a good 
deal discouraged and in low spirits. ‘The whole inter- 
view impressed me that the crisis is a most serious one. 
This mem. is made in Col. Keyes’ camp. 


To Mrs. WasHBURNE 
Washington, D.C. Monday P. M. July 22, 1861 


I wrote you this morning only a brief and a sad word 
about the terrible battle of yesterday. I had had but a 


Elihu Benjamin Washburne 199 


little sleep for three nights and been in a state of constant 
excitement for two days. I am now somewhat rested and 
will proceed to give you a little history of what I saw. I 
wrote a hasty line on the field Saturday P. M. and sent you. 
After closing that letter I went about a good deal among 
the camps. I went to the tent of Genl. McDowell and had 
quite a conversation with him. I never had much of an 
opinion of him as a General, and I left his tent with a feel- 
ing of great sadness and a sort of a prescience of coming 
disaster. He seemed discouraged and in low spirits, and 
appeared very doubtful of the result of the approaching 
conflict. That was a bad symptom. As night came on [ 
went into the miserable, straggling old village of Centreville 
and found a place to stay with a decayed Virginia gentle- 
man. All we could get to eat was some poor bread and poor 
ham. The troops were under marching orders for two 
o’clock the next morning to advance to the field of battle. 
I laid down to rest with feelings such as I had never before 
conceived. The thought of the inevitable contest of the 
next day and of the untold results to follow it, oppressed 
me heavily. I slept a few hours and before daylight I was 
up to see the march of the troops. They poured along in 
one continued stream for many hours, and the earth 
fairly shook beneath the heavy tread of nearly thirty thou- 
sand troops, as they poured down on what is called the 
“Gainesville road,” toward the battle ground. About 
5,000 went on another road, in the direction of Manassas 
Junction, and a reserve of 4,000 was left at Centreville, 
commanded by Col. Blenker, a dashing and brilliant 
German officer, reminding one of Eugene Beauharnais or 
Poniatowski. By eight or nine o’clock the whole army, 
except the reserve, had passed thro’ Centreville and was 
out of sight. From an eminence in the village the whole 
country round about could be seen, but it was so broken 
and there was so much timber, no movements of the army 
could be seen except by the clouds of dust which it raised 
wherever it went. About nine o’clock, Mr. Daily, Delegate 
from Nebraska, and myself took our horse and buggy and 


200 


Israel, Elihu and Cadwallader Washburn 


went to the head of the left column, which was the small 
column of 5000 men. Nothing could be seen from there. 
Two batteries had been placed on a hill which were being 
discharged into a wood in the direction of the enemy. This 
was intended as a mere feint to draw the attention of the 
enemy from the heads of the two other columns where the 
real attack was to be made. While loitering about at the 
head of this column, the battle commenced at the head of 
the centre and right columns. ‘To get on to the centre 
column we had to return from where we were back to 
Centreville, two or three miles, and then down the Gaines- 
ville road, where the main body of troops consisting of the 
right and centre had passed in the morning. We left 
Centreville to go down this road about half past twelve 
amid the terrific roar of cannon in our front. We pressed 
on by countless numbers of baggage waggons. Soon we 
met a poor fellow being led away by two of his companions. 
He had a ghastly wound in his head received in a charge 
upon the enemy. These men could only tell us that a 
battle was raging in our front, but did not know how it was 
going. Wecontinued on and on, till we came to a wood on 
one side of the road, and some farms on the other side, 
where the houses were turned into hospitals. Beyond, 
along the road, there was heavy timber on both sides. 
Continuing down this road we came to Schenck’s brigade, 
a part of which had been in the battle, but had then drawn 
back to protect the point where they were stationed. While 
there we could distinctly see the enemy as it was driven 
across the road. The firing at this time was tremendous— 
the booming of the artillery and the rattling of the mus- 
ketry surpassed anything you can conceive of. While stand- 
ing with the staff of the brigade a courier came riding up 
and delivered a message from Gen. McDowell, saying that 
the “day was ours and that the enemy was on the retreat.” 
Then we set up a shout that would have done you good to 
hear. But yet the firing continued, and it would seem that 
the retreat of the enemy was only falling back to get re- 
enforcements. After this the firing continued heavier than 
ever, particularly of musketry. I moved still further along 


Elihu Benjamin Washburne 201 


the road and looking through two points of timber I dis- 
tinctly saw the enemy. I went back to Genl. Schenck and 
asked him to ride along and take a peep at them himself. 
Just at this time a scout came up and announced that the 
enemy was in musket shot of us. Genl. Schenck then 
advanced and formed his brigade in battle array on both 
sides of the road in the fields (for we had then come out 
of the timber) and he put some cannon in position on a 
little eminence of ground. They then commenced a few 
discharges of cannon, which were answered by a masked 
battery of the enemy by a few shots. At this time we only 
considered this a sort of “‘side show,” believing the main 
battle had been won. The balls of the enemy during this 
last firing whistled over our heads pretty sharply. About 
four o’clock we turned about and made our way back to the 
top of the rise of ground where the hospitals were, having 
no idea that the enemy was near us, and resting in confi- 
dence that the day was ours. We came along more to get 
some water than anything else, for I was literally famish- 
ing from thirst. But not one drop could we get, and I said 
to Mr. Daily we must go back towards Centreville to get 
water. At this time there were a good many straggling 
soldiers passing along by us, but we had no idea of any 
disaster in the rear, for there was no panic among the 
soldiers who were passing. Mr. Daily and myself then 
started off in our buggy, and before getting far along we 
overtook a poor wounded soldier shot through the leg. He 
begged a ride of us, but as three could not ride in the 
buggy I told him to get in and take my seat and I would 
walk to Centreville—some two miles and a half. They had 
but just left me when I beheld a perfect avalanche pouring 
down the road immediately behind me. It was the retreat 
of the army. Never before had I such feelings. I had read 
of wars, and retreats and routs, but I never expected, or 
wanted to live to see my own countrymen retreating be- 
fore an enemy. On they came, baggage waggons, horses, 
carriages, foot soldiers, cavalry, artillerymen, pell-mell, 
helter-skelter. A perfect panic had seized every body. 
The soldiers threw away their guns and their blankets and 


202 


Israel, Elihu and Cadwallader Washburn 


divested themselves of every encumbrance. Officers, I 
blush to say it, were running with their men. At this time 
Genl. McDougall, of Colorado, came along in his carriage, 
and I got in with him and we rode on to get at the head of 
the retreating force. We stopped our carriage and got out 
and tried to rally and form the men, but we might as well 
have attempted to stop the current of the Mississippi with 
a straw. I had a revolver in my coat pocket, but unfor- 
tunately my coat was in the buggy with Daily, and I was 
in my shirt sleeves utterly without arms. We then pushed 
on to Centreville and there I seized a gun and attempted to 
raise a sufficient force to stop the retreat, but that I could 
not do. I stood almost alone in the road, threatening to 
bayonet every cowardly soldier who was running away. 
But I was soon overpowered and had to move on. Daily 
had continued on with the buggy, leaving me to get along 
the best way I could. I soon came across some acquaint- 
ances and got a ride. Presently I met Daily coming back 
after me, and I again took a seat and we came in to Wash- 
ington, arriving between twelve and one o'clock at night. 
Up to our arrival here, I did not believe there was any 
general retreat of the army, but I only thought that the 
particular force where I was, had been panic stricken. But 
I found on my arrival that it was general. I immediately 
went to see Genl. Scott and found him surrounded by the 
President and Cabinet, and a more sober set of men I never 
before met. They had just got a dispatch from McDowell 
announcing the retreat. It now appears that Daily and I 
had not left the hospital three minutes before a charge of 
the enemy’s cavalry was made right up through the timber 
into the road, and the very spot where our buggy was 
standing. ‘They seized a large number of prisoners. Of 
course, J was not among them. It would have been rather 
a serious joke to have been carried off to Richmond at this 
season of the year. One of our members, Mr. Ely of 
New York, I am afraid was taken. The last man I talked 
with before leaving the hospital was Senator Foster of 
Connecticut, and he only got away in season to escape, 
leaving his carriage behind him to be seized by the rebels. 


Elihu Benjamin Washburne 203 


I only lost a comb from my coat pocket. There is great 
excitement and alarm felt here, and a great many persons 
will leave, particularly ladies, and it is well enough they 
should, as the war about here is to be more fierce than ever. 
The city, however, will be held. If the rebel forces had been 
sufficient I really believed they could have moved on here 
this morning and taken the city. It is too late now. Our 
folks are recovering from the effects of the panic and defeat, 
and will be prepared to give bigger fight than ever. We 
will whip the traitors yet. Their barbarities towards our 
wounded will arouse a spirit of vengeance which will not be 
appeased till their leaders are all hung and their followers 
are driven into the gulf. 

The giving of battle at the time it was done was a grave 
mistake. The whole movement was against the judgment 
of Genl. Scott, but the clamors of presumptuous ignorance 
induced him to yield. I heard him this morning tell the 
President that he (Scott) was a coward for yielding to this 
clamor, and that the President ought to dismiss him for it. 

I could tell a great deal more, but I have no further time 
to write. You will read further particulars in the papers, 
perhaps now with the more interest since I was on the spot. 
So good bye for to-night. 


To Mrs. WasHBURNE 


Washington (May 17, 1862.) Evening, Tuesday. 

I wrote a line from the House to-day. I now write this 
in my new quarters, which I like very much so far—that is, 
foran hour. Last night I went up to see old Abe, and after 
I got through I thought I would pop in and see Mrs. Old 
Abe, particularly as she was so gracious when I saw her last 
September. I found her holding her hands all alone in a 
great big room in the great big White House. She received 
me very cordially and rather reproached me for not having 
been more friendly. She well knew the reason. She was 
very much affected when she spoke of her boy that died 
last winter—that the house seemed to her like a tomb and 


204 


Israel, Elihu and Cadwallader Washburn 


that she could not bear to be in it. He was the favorite 
child, so good, so obedient, so promising. 


To Mrs. WASHBURNE 


Washington, D. C. Sunday morning 25th May, 1862. 

How do you all find yourselves this most lovely Sabbath 
morning! The air here is cool and pure and all nature smiles 
in loveliness. Who would think the country was torn by a 
terrible civil war. What a year we have passed thro’, and 
who on earth knows what may be in the future. God alone 
knows. Since I have commenced this letter, the mail brings 
me a letter from Genl. Grant and one from John E. Smith. 
The General is deeply wounded by the infamous attacks 
upon him, but he writes like a true and noble man. Mr. 
Rogers of N. Y. writes me that he has just received a 
splendid Panama hat, and that he is going to send it to 
Genl. Grant of whom ee is a great admirer. . . 

The news this morning looks badly all round The 
driving back of Banks is bad. I do wish McClellan would 
move his boots. But we must be patient, long suffering 
and slow to anger. 


To Mrs. WasHBURNE 
Sept. 1, 1862. 

Yesterday was a day of unheard-of and terrific anxiety 
here among all loyal people. There is no doubt but our 
arms met with a terrible reverse on Saturday. We were 
driven from the ground leaving our dead and wounded to 
the enemy. It is all the fault of McClellan,.... He 
refused for two days to send re-enforcements after he was 
positively ordered and then refused to send supplies to our 
starving army. It is thought, now that Pope is re-enforced 
there will be another fight to-day. Unless Pope attacks 
and whips the enemy, he is among the “played out” 
generals. Geo. Hamilton left Pope’s head quarters yes- 
terday noon. Our army was all there safe, and without 
demoralization. Halleck has ordered Pope to fight to-day. 


Elihu Benjamin Washburne 205 


I must stay here till this thing is settled in some way for it 
would be cowardly to run when there is any danger. 

I have to stop in Phila. to get clothing for our regt. 
and then my committee will bein N. Y. for a few days, and 
then home, home, home. ... . 


To Mrs. WasHBURNE 


West Potnt, Cozzen’s Hotel, Sunday, Sept. 7, 1862. 

As I had to remain over in N. Y. Sunday, I thought I 
would run up here last night and pass the night with Genl. 
Scott. I found him at this hotel and very well for him. I 
passed the evening in his room talking over the affairs of 
the country. While alarmed and somewhat depressed, he 
is not despondent. He says we can subjugate the rebels. 
This morning the news is brought to us that the rebels are 
in Maryland in force, and that surprised and disappointed 
him very much. He thought they could not get over. 
It seemed to affect him very much indeed. He has a very 
poor opinion of our generals about Washington. He speaks 
in the very highest terms of Gen. Grant, who he Bays has 
displayed great vigor and sagacity. 

I have never before had such feelings of despondency as 
now. It seems to me that our beloved country is in the 
most desperate peril, and if something be not done at once 
to stem the tide, may God have mercy on us. I fear there 
is no more happiness or prosperity for us or our dear, dear 
children. The future has an awful look, and I never before 
yearned so to be home. [ shall make short work of our 
committee business in N. Y. and start directly home. This 
is no time for business. It is now eleven o'clock and I 
leave for the city in a half an hour and will mail this there 
and perhaps add a word. 

E. B. W. 
To Mrs. WasHBURNE 


Monday Morning, Oct. 6, 1862. 

On river bound from Memphis to Cairo. 
I left Helena on Saturday night last and hope to be at 
Cairo to-night, where I shall mail this letter. I regret to 


206 


Israel, Elihu and Cadwallader Washburn 


say I found Cady very feeble—emaciated by disease, labor 
and care. His position as commandant of the post is a 
very laborious and important one. Helena is pestilential 
and horrible. He has lost 30 pounds since he has been there. 
Our brave soldiers have been dying like sheep there and the 
horrors of that command are enough to make the most 
obdurate heart bleed. What I have seen on this trip makes 
my heart to sink within me. Inefficiency, drunkenness, 
debauchery, semi-treason, rule the hour in the Arkansas 
army. God only knows what will become of us. I go 
straight to St. Louis to see if I can get a short leave of 
absence from Genl. Curtis for Cady, in order that he may re- 
cruit. His trouble, a chronic diarrhoea. I have no word 
from you since I left home two weeks ago to-night. Hope 
to hear something at Cairo. 

I shall get home as soon as possible, as I learn that they 
are making an effort to beat me by an “Independent” 
dodge. How I wish I were out of all this and could only 
be at home but it is no use. My country claims all I have 
both of service and money... . 


Washington City Dec. 14, 1862. Sunday 

My heart is so heavy with anxiety this morning that I am 
almost unable to write at all. The great battle is going on 
so near here, upon which may hang all the destinies of our 
country, and our own happiness, and the happiness of our 
children. To say nothing of the vast sacrifice of lives of 
noble men, of the anguish and sorrow and tears. It is 
enough to appal the stoutest hearts. I went up to see the 
president last night, and we went over to see Genl. Halleck 
and get the latest news. I considered it bad, and came back 
to my room with a heart sinking within me. The battle 
is going on today, but it is no use for me to write about it, 
as you will get all by telegraph before this reaches you. 
May God, in his infinite mercy, vouchsafe to us a victory. 
A defeat, I fear, will end us. With a triumph of the rebels 
of the South, the rebels of the North will rise up, and loyal 
and union men will have to go under. 


Elihu Benjamin Washburne 207 


Memo. 
May 3, 1864 

Left Washington this morning at 9.45 and arrived at Cul- 
pepper C. H. Va. at 3.25 P. M. and proceeded immediately 
to Lt. Genl. Grant’s Head quarters. I met at Brandy 
Station, Col. Dent, member of his Staff who had first 
delivered Burnside his orders. I am accompanied by Mr. 
Wm. Swinton of the N. Y. Times. I found the Genl. and 
his senior aid Col. Comstock in the General’s room, quietly 
reading the newspapers. The Genl. developed his entire 
plan to me and his reasons. ‘The movement takes place at 
midnight tonight. The weather promises well... . 


May 4, Culpepper 
8 A. M. 


The movement commenced at 12 last night. The orders 
were not given till dark. So quietly was all done that the 
people of this village had no idea of what was going on till 
they arose this morng. when they found all the troops had 
quietly left. 

I went to bed last night a little before midnight. Passed 
the latter part of the evening in Rowley’s tent in conversa- 
tion with Genl. Grant, Rawlins Duff and Rowley. Our 

‘conversation turned on politics and war, discussions of 
individuals and the prospects of success, etc. 


Germanna Ford 
ry Pe, 

We left Culpepper at half after seven and came by 
Stevensburg and reached this Ford at 11 4% A. M. and here 
found a crossing had been effected without difficulty and 
nearly all of the 5th Corps (Warren’s) over. The troops 
are all coming up magnificently. Hauled up at Meade’s 
Headquarters 

2d Corps Hancock 
sth “ Warren 
6th “ Sedgewick 

Genl. Grant selected his headquarters in an old vacant 
house about 4% mile from the ford, and it afforded us a 


208 


Israel, Elihu and Cadwallader Washburn 


splendid view of the troops as they passed in one continued 
stream all the afternoon. At this time the three corps 
above named are all over, but their trains are to come over 
to night by the “Culpepper Mine Ford” about equi-distant 
between Ely and Germanna Ford. Hancock’s Corps has 
crossed to-day at Ely Ford. The day has been beautiful 
indeed. The distance from Culpepper to this Ford is 13 
miles. At Stevensburg we fell in with the Column of 
Sedgewick, moving on. 


May 5 
Lodged in the old abandoned cottage—in the garret 
with Grant and Rawlins.—Got up at 3 A. M. and break- 
fast at 4. Bivouac fire in front of the house, around which 
we all gather after breakfast. Head quarters train leaves at 
5 but the Genl. and Staff remain till Burnside comes up. 


Splendid morning. 8-5 A. M. Burnside’s force just come 


in sight coming down to the ford on the other side—one 
division. 
8.15 A. M. 
An officer from Meade has just dashed up to our head 
quarters with despatch stating that enemy is forcing the 


battle in his front and that he has ordered Warren to 
attack at once. 


9-45 | 
Arrived at Meade’s H. Q. near an old building erected for 
crushing gold. 


10.45 

Officer just arrived at Meade’s Hq. from Plank Road 3 
miles off—also says enemy in small force on that road, 
Getty’s division ordered out immediately. 


12.15 
Heavy skirmishing fire in front at this moment 


12.45 
First Cannon shot in front just heard 


2d Cannon ° a 


Elihu Benjamin Washburne 209 


1.10 

Started with the Genl. and staff towards the front. The 
firing was very heavy—the skirmish had become a battle. 
We met many wounded men comingin. We started on our 
return to H. Q. and came by where Genl. Warren was. He 
said his whole corps was engaged and that on the right a 
brigade in Griffin’s division had been badly handled. The 
Genl. then galloped to H. Q. to give further orders. 


2 P.M. 
A lull in the fight—little less firing. 100 prisoners come 
in. Report that we have lost two guns and Capt. Winslow 
killed. 


3 P. M. 

Genl. Griffin has just come to H. Q. and represents that 
he has had terrible fighting and that after having driven 
the enemy 34 mile was driven back. He represents his 
loss as very severe. Warren’s corps has been badly shaken 
so far to-day. 


3-15 
Meade orders a general attack by all the corps as soon as 
possible. 


4-15 
Hancock has just opened heavily on our left. 


| 4.30 
Started at once to where Hancock was going in. When 
we got there the fight was terrible and Hancock was hard 
pressed by the enemy. The road was completely blocked 
up by wounded and stragglers as we returned to H.Q. 


5 P. M. 
Wadsworth’s division has just been ordered to push out 
from the centre and attack the enemy on his flank and rear. 


6.30 , 
Warren has again attacked the enemy from the centre. 


210 


Israel, Elihu and Cadwallader Washburn 


8.30 
No particular result from the above attack. 


9 P. M. 

The result to-day seems on the whole favorable. Just at 
night Wadsworth’s division fell on Wilcox’s division Hill’s 
corps, and drove them a mile. That was a grand move- 
ment and it was directed by Genl. Grant. Wadsworth has 
behaved nobly to-day. I lodge in the General’s tent.— 
Meade has been in and is in good spirits. The whole wing 
is to move simultaneously at half past four in the morning. 
Took 700 prisoners to-day. 


Friday Morning 
May 6 
Clear and beautiful morng. Awakened at 4 o’ck. Sit 
down to breakfast at 4 % and at 4.45 the ball was opened 
by what is considered an attack on our right. At 5.10 we 
attacked them on the whole line. 


6.40 
At this moment the fire has slackened. We are all 
sitting about the bivouac fire. 


6.45 
Hancock sent word he has advanced two miles and that 
Birney has taken a line of rebel rifle pits with the enemy’s 
colors. Longstreet is just heard from as being in with his 
corps. 
7.00 
Genl. Warren has just come into H. Q. We have just 
heard hearty cheers from our men on the left. 


8.00 
Went over to the head quarters of Burnside’s second 
division, which is moving across to Parker’s Store in the 
Plank Road. Returning it was as quiet as a Sabbath morn- 
ing for ten minutes. Then a most tremendous fire on our 
right. 


Elihu Benjamin Washburne 211 


8.10 
A monstrous fight raging on our right. It is the attack 
of Sedgewick on the enemy in his front. 


8.50 
A perfect lull in the battle. It is the lull before the 
storm. We are not apparently maintaining our earlier 
advantages. Wadsworth falling back, but contesting 
every inch of ground. 


9.00 
Couriers from Sedgewick bring report that his third 
attack on the front has been repulsed. 


9-15 
Wadsworth’s Division seems to have been driven out of 
the timber into the open field in plain sight. We do not 
know what it all means. Genl. Grant has gone out in that 
direction. It is feared it may be serious. Meade has gone 
there. 


9-4 
The mystery still continues and no one about H. Q. can 
tell what it means our troops being out of the timber. 
Our artillery is taking up positions on the hills about H. Q. 
as if apprehending an attack. 


10.30 
Mystery is explained. The Brigade stampeded and came 
out of the woods without any enemy behind them. Genl. 
Grant has just returned from Hancock and reports all 
satisfactory and thinks Hancock is gradually driving them. 


11.30 
Heavy firing on our left and it is believed Burnside is en- 
gaged. I leave the head quarters in the grove on the hill 
and come down in the ravine to the ambulance to get some 
rest. 


212 


Israel, Elihu and Cadwallader Washburn 


12. M. 
It is reported that Hancock is being driven back slowly 
and is getting behind entrenchments on the “‘ Brook Road.” 
Stragglers are coming from that direction in great numbers. 


Tie MM, 
It is true—Hancock driven back and his left turned. It 
is an awful moment. 


1,40) PM: 
Burnside has just commenced a furious attack on the 
flank of the enemies right. An immense column from 
Warren is moving forward to reinforce Hancock. 


oi anne: 
Genl. Wadsworth’s son just came to H. Q. to report the 
death of his father. The report is thought to be unfounded. 


3.30.2. MM. 

A complete quiet has prevailed for the last hour. There 
is no doubt of the death of Genl. Wadsworth and that his 
body is in the hands of the enemy. His fall has created a 
profound impression at H. Q. 


4.45 P. M. 


Heavy attack on Hancock again. 


Sus be ve 
The enemy has broken through Hancock’s line. The 
rebels have evidently the best of the fight to-day thus far. 


It looks gloomy enough at this time and there are long 
faces about the H. Q. 


5.25 P. M. 
Genl. Grant has just left the H. Q. with an orderly and 
gone in the direction of the left. 


An officer from Hancock says he repulsed the enemy 
instead of having his line broken. It was a brilliant affair 


Elihu Benjamin Washburne 259". 


and we all feel better. The day will close not so disastrously 
to us as we apprehended. Genl. Meade shows the true 
patriot and the persistent soldier. He says the hopes of the 
world rest upon our success and that he will fight so long 
as there is a man to stand up. 


7.30 P. M. 
The enemy has flanked Sedgewick and getting between 
us and the river, threatening our supply train and our 
colored troops. | 


Io P. M. 

Lt. Genl. Grant who went out to see about the disaster 
having just returned, tremendous firing was again heard 
on our right and terrific cheering of the enemy. We are 
in great doubt what it means, but it would seem very 
serious and it is impossible to tell what it will lead to. 


May 7, 1864 
Pleasant but a little hazy. 


5 A. M. 

All quiet up to this moment. An officer from Meade 
brings intelligence of enemy massing on Hancock’s front. 
We have contracted our lines very much. A lot of colored 
troops are taking a position immediately in our front. 


5-15 
Firing just opened on our front very heavy. Artillery— 
about the first artillery firing we have had. 


6 A. M. 

The firing turns out to be the enemy feeling Warren, who 
opened on them with his artillery and they left. Meade 
has just been here and thinks the main attack will be on 
Hancock’s left. Hancock has borne the brunt of the fight 
so far and nobly has he sustained himself. 


7 A. M. 
Broke up H. Q. and move to other side plank road. 


214 


Israel, Elihu and Cadwallader Washburn 
9 A. M. 


Entire quiet since the dash on Warren this morning. Re- 
ports come in from Hancock and Burnside that the enemy 
is evidently falling back. It is impossible to tell what it 
means. Burnside and Warren have both been to H. Q. 


10.30 A. M. 
Just come back from Hancock and he thinks the enemy 
has left his front. Coming back I hear heavy firing from 
Warren’s front. 


DeOnE eV 
No fighting to amount to anything thus far. Mr. Dana 
Ass. Sec War has just arrived with news of Butler’s landing 
at City Point. 


5145.) bali 
We are getting already to start on a night march towards 
Richmond. Firing has just commenced on Warren’s left. 


7.1Ou ves 
The firing not very heavy and as the sun goes down a 
three days fight closes—one of the most desperate of the 
war. The troops are full of enthusiasm. 


8). PouMe 
Genl. Grant and staff mount and start “onward to 
Richmond.”’ 


8.30 P. M. 
Arrive at Genl. Hancock’s H. Q. to wait until Warren’s 
Corps shall come up. 


iy cov 
Leave Hancock’s H. Q. and march with the column 
preceded by cavalry. 


May 8, 1864 
Todd’s Tavern 
6 A. M. 
Reached here this morning 1.45 and sleep on a blanket 
in the tavern. Much disappointed as we awake to find so 


Elihu Benjamin Washburne 215 


great a delay in the troops getting up. Great apprehension 
that Hancock who has the rear, will be attacked. 


10.30 A. M. 
Piney Branch 
Church Head Quarters 
We left H. Q. at Todd’s Tavern and came over here where 
we shall remain the most of the day. There has been sharp 
skirmishing in front—rebel cavalry trying to keep us back. 
The weather is very hot and the troops have marched all 
night and are too much fatigued to advance further without 
rest. We are all feeling pretty well, yet we do not know 
what is to come as we have no knowledge of the enemy’s 
movements. We think we have the inside track to Rich- 
mond. 


11.00 
Heavy firing towards Spotsylvania C. H. The enemy’s 
cavalry are making a stout resistance there it is thought. 
Sedgewick’s corps is up on another road. 


I2 noon 
Genl. Wilson sends word from Spotsylvania C. H. that 
he is being driven back slowly by two divisions of Long- 
street’s corps. This shows that the enemy is ahead of us. 
Orders are given to mass our forces and check him if possible 
before he is supported. 


3PM 
Break up our H. Q. at Piney Creek Church and come 
toward Spotsylvania C. H. and stop in the woods to get 
information. 


GstOnbe Vie 
The first gun in front. 


520 oe iV. 
The attack opens slowly only a few guns fired. Nowa 


lull. 


216 Israel, Elihu and Cadwallader Washburn 


530, P.M. 
No further firing in front. 


5.40 P. M. 
Siieminhive with musketry just begun. 


6107) P.M: 
The attack seems to be a fizzle,—only a little scattering 
fire. 


6.40 ).bu iM 


Heavy firing again commencing in front. 


6.45 P. M. 
Report that enemy is being strongly entrenched. 


6,60 Pans 
A most tremendous musketry fire has just opened and a 
furious attack. 


720 Ma tilvas 
Genl. Grant and staff have just come in from the front 
and report failure to carry enemies works. 


Monday morning. May 9, 1864 
8 A.M 
Indications that the enemy are to attack Hancock this 
morning. Grant and Meade have just left Head Quarters 
to visit the different Corps. 


Io A. M. 

A staff officer of Sedgewick has just come to H. Q. and re- 
ports him mortally wounded by a rebel sharp shooter. No 
fighting to-day so far. He who talks lightly of war, knows 
little of war. Genl. Grant not yet returned to H. Q. 


11 A. M. 
The dead body of Maj. Genl. Sedgewick has just past 
our H. Q. to the rear, escorted by his staff. It was a sad 


Elihu Benjamin Washburne 217 


sight. His loss is irreparable, as he was a most brave and 
skillful soldier possessing the entire confidence of his troops. 


EG B 
No fighting along the line to-day till this moment a brisk 
cannonading and musketry is heard on our right—supposed 
to be Hancock attempting to get over into the Block House 
road. 


Ogee VL. 
Genl. Grant has just returned to H. Q. Hancock has 
carried the Block House road. 


6.50 P. M. 

Just as we were sitting down to our supper a big engage- 
ment opened over on the line of the road just taken. The 
firing is very heavy indeed—a portion of Warren’s and 
Sedgewick’s divisions were ordered to the attack. 


8 P. M. 

Although the firing was heavy, there were no decisive 
results, though we drove them a little. The advantage 
gained by Hancock is very decided. On the whole, the 
results of to-day are favorable and all are feeling well at 
H.Q. We should all feel better were it not for the death of 
Sedgewick. 


Tuesday morning May 10, 1864. 
6.30 A. M. 
We are just up this morning and have as yet no reports. 
The weather is cooler this morning. There were two 
alarms last night by firing on Hancock’s line. 


9.45 A. M. 

Scout has just come to H. Q. from Washington bringing 
intelligence that Butler has whipped the enemy badly at 
Petersburg and is advancing on Richmond and that 
Sherman has whipped the enemy at Dalton and Tunnel 
Hill. Rowley and I start to find Genl. Grant at Hancock’s 
H. Q. 


218 


Israel, Elihu and Cadwallader Washburn 


10.10 A. M. 
We came to their H. Q. on the full jump with the news. 
I getting in ahead and announcing it to Genls. Grant, 
Meade and Hancock. Genl. Meade is just issuing a general 
order announcing the fact to the troops. 


11.00 A. M. 
Have just returned to H. Q. from Hancock. 


11.45 A. M. 
A heavy engagement has opened on our right and centre. 
The artillery and musketry is heavy. This is the sixth day 


of fighting. 


121200 P 33M 
The battle still going on. Genl. Grant and staff have 
just returned to H. Q. and they report Wright and Warren 
going in. 


1.45 P. M. 
The fighting continued on our right very heavy. A 
general attack is ordered along the whole line at 5 P. M. 


BOS beavis 
The fight is going on with great vigor in Hancock’s 
division and has been—for half an hour very heavy. 


GOP PV: 

Genl. Williams just come into H. Q. and says the enemy 
is advancing in the rear of our camp and is within 34 of a 
mile of us. This is reported to him by one of our signal 
officers. 


6.30 P. M. 

Rode out to the front. The attack which was to have 
commenced at 5 has just commenced along the whole line 
with the most terrific fury. Genls. Grant and Meade and 
staffs accompanied by such others of us as desired to go, 
rode on to a ridge in front of the timber where the battle 


Elihu Benjamin Washburne 219 


was raging. It was at its heighth just as the sun was go- 
ing down. The roar of musketry and cannon and the cheers 
of our men as they rushed to the charge made an impression 
never to be effaced. It has been a day of continuous fight- 
ing and our losses have been heavy, but we have gained 
decided advantages. Just at night Wright took a brigade 
of rebel prisoners. 


Wednesday morning. May 11, 1864 
7 A. M. 

Raining a little this morning. Col. Porter came in from 
Burnside’s corps this morning and reports that it made a 
good advance yesterday P. M. getting within a quarter 
of a mile of the Court House. Our loss yesterday is esti- 
mated at 3500 in killed and wounded, 25,000 men have 
been placed hors du combat since we started. 


9.45 A. M. 
Left this morning for Washington. 


Tou, VI, 
Arrived at the War Dept. 


To Mrs. WASHBURNE 


In the Field, Near Spotsylvania, Va. (May 9, 1864) 

Weare in the midst of terrific events. This army has now 
been fighting for four days, on its advance to Richmond. 
It fought three days at Wilderness and then started in a 
night march towards R. the enemy having commenced 
a retreat. They got ahead of us about two miles from here 
near Spotsylvania Court House, and the result was a hard 
fight all day, but without material results to either party. 
Both lost heavily—our killed and wounded something like 
2000, and that of the enemy quite as heavy. We took say 
100 prisoners. This morning the enemy is in all its force 
in our front and we are likely to have a big battle to-day. 
It is fighting, fighting all the time and the most desperate 
and terrible of the war. The imagination cannot paint all 


220 


Israel, Elihu and Cadwallader Washburn 


the horrors that are around us. It is war, on the greatest 
scale the world has ever seen. Our army train would reach 
from Galena to Freeport. Our men generally have fought 
nobly and displayed prodigies of valor. What is in store 
the good God only knows, but I have unbounded faith the 
movement we are engaged in will substantially succeed, 
but war after all is a game of chance. 

Meade is a great general and has fought his army well, 
but after all Grant is the great head and soul of the army, 
and without doing any injustice to any one I can say I 
fully believe this army would have been defeated before 
this, and in its retreat had it not been for him. He is in 
capital spirits and seems to have no doubt of success. 

The weather is intensely hot here and all is dust and 
smoke. I stay with the General in his tent. 

I cannot begin to give you any idea of all I have seen dur- 
ing the last four days. When you think of all that depends 
upon our success here it is enough to wring every heart with 
anxiety. The great day of battle at Wilderness was Friday, 
and twice during the day we were on the eve of defeat and 
rout. Such a long and awful day I never went through 
before in my whole life and hope never to see another. 

I think we have now three men to Lee’s two. 

All Galena friends here are well. I send this by a courier 
through the enemies country and with not more than half 
a chance it will ever get through. 

You can show this to friends, but dont have it printed, 

P.S. Monday P. M. Since writing this Genl. Sedge- 
wick, one of our best generals, has been killed by a sharp- 
shooter. 


PERSONAL OBSERVATIONS 


Galena, Ill. April 3, 1865, 5 o'clock, P. M. 
Left for the front. Arrived at Washington Thursday 
morning Apl. 6, and left same evening for City Point.— 
Arrived at City Point Friday P. M. at 2.30. Went on 
board Mary Martin, remained over night. 


Elihu Benjamin Washburne 221 


Saturday morning, Al. 7, 1865 

Left City Point for the front—Genl. Grant’s head- 
quarters, supposed to be near Burksville. Arrived at 
Petersburg at 10.45 A. M. Past in sight of Fort Stedman 
which had been captured by Gordon’s rebels. Called on 
Genl. Hartsuff who is in command. Then called on Maj. 
Genl. Warren. Met Roger A. Pryor in the street and had 
a long conversation with him. He talked very freely and 
frankly on the situation, looking upon the rebel cause as 
hopeless. He said he was satisfied before his return from 
the North that the rebellion would have finally to succumb 
to the great power and resources of the north and so advised 
Jeff Davis and his other friends, whereat they accused him 
of having become demoralized. Rode out through the 
works about Petersburg. Saw the Burnside mine and went 
into Fort Mahone, which was captured by our forces 
Sunday morning about 2 and also went into Fort Sedgewick, 
our fort right opposite Mahone. Both strong works, but 
Sedgewick vastly the strongest. Our military men express 
surprise at the want of strength of the rebel works as com- 
pared with ours. Yet the rebel works are strong and the 
whole country about Petersburg is dug up.—This is quite 
a large place, fine streets and stores, but all closed. Train 
has already been detained here for five hours. 

Left Petersburg, 4.15 o’clock P. M. 

Arrived at Ford’s station South Side R. R. at 6.30 P. M. 
Met there Genl. Patrick just from Burksville and gave me 
information from front. 


1b. WL 
Arrived at Maj. Genl. Wilcox’s head quarters. 


Sunday, April 9 

Left Genl. Wilcox at six o’clock A, M. arrived at Well- 
ville Station at 8 A. M. Found here Lt. Col. Green 37th 
Wis. Vol., the regiment that first entered Fort Mahone. 

Nottoway: Court House. Arrived here at 10 o’clock. 
Miserable, forlorn, dilapidated straggling village of fourteen 
families. The county only gives about three hundred 
votes. 


222 


Israel, Elihu and Cadwallader Washburn 


Rail-road stations from Petersburg to Burksville, 
to Sutherland 
Ford’s 
Wilson’s 
Wellville 
Black’s & White’s 
Nottoway C. H. 
Burksville 
Arrived at Burksville April 9, 1865, 12.30 o'clock P. M. 
Nearly dead—having ridden thirty miles in five hours. 
Met Genl. Birney at Nottoway Court House who gave us 
intelligence of breaking up generally of rebel forces. Wait- 
ing for ambulance to go to Farmville, as I cant ride horse- 
back any further. At Burksville saw five splendid Arm- 
strong guns captured from the Johnnies, specimens of 
British neutrality. 
Arrived at Farmville at 10.30 P. M. Very hard ride from 
Burksville in ambulance.—Found Lt. Genl. Grant had 
left. 


Sunday Morning, Apl. 10, 1865 

Remained over at Farmville in ambulance last night— 
rained all night. After a breakfast of pork, hard tack and 
tea got under way at 7 A. M. for the extreme front. Farm- 
ville is a town of 1800 people and on the Appomattox the 
South Side Rail-road crosses here by the “High Bridge,” a 
considerable portion of which was burned. The other 
bridge was burned and we crossed by a pontoon. 

At 11 o’clock we arrived at one mile from the “New 
Store,” the horses very much jaded, for the roads are 
horrible. It still rains. We stopped at a farm house, the 
owners having left home leaving the old negroes here in a 
state of utter destitution, nothing in the world to eat. 
Buckingham is the man’s name. One mile from New Store 
met soldiers who gave us first information of the surrender 
of Lee’s army, at one P. M. heard the news. 

Arrived at Meade’s Headquarters at 4.15 P. M. three 
miles from Appomattox C. H. 

Arrived at Genl. Grant’s head quarters at 9.50 P.M. and 


Elihu Benjamin Washburne 228 


am to remain with him in his tent over night. Found all 
the staff here who greeted me with great cordiality and 
kindness. ; 


Tuesday morning 

Left Genl. Grant’s head quarters at 7 o’clock for Ap- 
pomattox C. H. where we arrived atrr A. M. Met Custer 
and Sheridan as we were starting out. Custer’s men bore 
31 captured rebel flags. Went right into the rebel camp and 
rode all through it. Met there L. Q. C. Lamar of Miss. Ex 
M. C. and saw the following rebel generals, R. E. Lee, Long- 
street, Anderson, Ransom, Benning, Alexander, Picket, 
Heth, Wilcox, Pendleton, Gordon, Perry. 

At six o’clock I saw the final surrender and stacking of 
arms of Gordon’s entire corps, consisting of ten thousand 
men. ‘The whole body was addressed by Gordon and when 
he concluded, the last ditch was reached and the arms 
stacked and the Johnnies marched off to the tune of Dixie 
played by a band. Got chips from the apple tree under 
which Lee surrendered to Grant. I stay at Gibbon’s head 
quarters to-night. 


Wednesday Apl. 12, 1865 

I make this memorandum on the piazza of the house 
where all the capitulation papers were signed. For hours 
the rebel prisoners have been filing in front of the door, 
having laid down their arms. They are marching off under 
command of their officers. They are a terrible looking set. 

Gov. Wise just came up the steps upon the piazza, a 
poor, old, dried up man, with white whiskers and long grey 
hair, a grey old over coat and a shabby cap. Three rebel 
generals are going along with our escort, Wilcox, Gordon 
and Alexander. Have just seen Wilcox division of the late 
A. P. Hill corps lay down their arms. Bartlett’s division 
of the 5th Corps were stretched out in line of battle on both 
sides of the road and the rebels marched between them until 
they covered the whole front, where they halted, deposited 
their flags and stacked their arms. 

The following named generals on our side were the com- 


224 Israel, Elihu and Cadwallader Washburn 


missioners to carry out the terms of the surrender. They 
signed their names in the room where Lee wrote surrender 
to Grant in the house at Appomattox C. H. 


W. Merritt &# 
Bvt. Maj.'Genl. 
Comdg. Cavalry 
Mid. Mil. Div. 


John Gibbon 
Maj. Genl. Vols. 
Comdg. 24th Corps. 


Chas. Griffin 
Bvt. Maj. Genl; 
Comdg. 5th Corps 


J. B. Gordon 
Maj. Genl. 
Co SHA 


The house where the surrender was made is owned by 
Wilmer McLean who has lived here for two years. Hecame 
from Prince William Co. Va. near Blackburns Ford where 
Beauregard had his head quarters at the battle of Black- 
burn’s Ford, July 18, 1861. About a dozen families reside 
at the Court House. Wilmer McLean (signature). 

Left Appomattox C. H. at noon, with my escort, for 
Farmville. I had the escort from Lt. Genl. Grant’s head 
quarters, consisting of Capt. C. B. Atchison, Lt. Taylor and 
ten dragoons. The following rebel generals were in our 
party, wishing the benefit of our escort to Burksville 

Maj. Genl. J. B. Gordon 
¥ ** — Cadmus Wilcox 
“* Alexander 

About six miles from Appomattox C. H. met Maj. Genl. 
Fitz Hugh Lee and staff on their way to surrender to Genl. 
Gibbon. Reached Farmville at 9 o’clock P. M. and re- 
mained over night, at the house of Dr. Wood. 


Elihu Benjamin Washburne 225 


Thursday Morning April 13, 1865 

Left atg A. M. for Burksville. It had rained very hard all 
night and the roads are frightful. Overtook nearly all of 
Meade’s army on their way back to Burksville. We passed 
very near the place where Col. Washburn 4th Mass. 
Cavalry was wounded. Genl. Wilcox showed me the house 
to which he was taken after being wounded and where 
he saw him. Arrived at Burksville at 1.30 P. M. 

Left Burksville by rail at 11 P. M. 


Friday morning, April 14, 1865 
Delayed on the train last night. Only reached City Pt. at 
2°P. M. Left for Richmond at 6 P. M. on the steamer 
Thomas Collier No. 2. 


Richmond, Va. Apl. 15, 1865. 6 o'clock, 45 M. 

Arrived. Landed at Rocket’s in the rain. 

In Richmond all day and left at 5 P. M. for Point of 
Rocks Hospital where I saw Col. Washburn who had been 
wounded at High Bridge. Then dropped down the Ap- 
pomattox to City Point, where we arrived at 101% P. M. 
I had retired for the night before reaching there. Capt. 
Atchison went ashore to enquire at telegraph office for a 
despatch. Returning, he aroused me and informed me 
of the shocking intelligence of the assassination of the Pres- 
ident and of Gov. Seward and son. I immediately ordered 
the boat to start for Washington. 


Sunday Morning, April 16, 1865 
Arrived at Old Point at 6 A. M., coaled and started for 
Washington at 8 A. M. Arrived at Washington Monday 
morning. 
To. SECRETARY STAUNTON 
City Point Apl. 14, 1865 
I send you the farewell address of Lee to his army which 


I obtained a copy of at Appomattox C. H. just before I left 


there day before yesterday. 
E. B. Washburne 


226 


Israel, Elihu and Cadwallader Washburn 
To Mrs. WasHBURNE 


On Genl. Ord’s boat Silver Star, 
bound from Richmond to Washington. 
Sunday Apl. 16, 1865 

After leaving City Point for the front a week ago yes- 
terday, I had neither opportunity or convenience for 
writing you, but I kept a journal so that I could hereafter 
give you a full account of my trip. I got back to City 
Point on Friday P. M. and started at once for Richmond at 
which place I arrived the next morning. I spent yesterday 
till five o’clock P. M. in R. where Genl. Ord was kind enough 
to give me his boat to take me to Point of Rocks to see 
Frank Washburne, who had been badly wounded. Charley 
Atchison came along with me. We found Frank doing 
very well, though very weak. He was wounded in one 
of the most desperate cavalry fights of the war and received 
his wounds in a hand to hand encounter. He had a pistol 
ball shot through his cheek, knocking out three teeth and 
then going down into his lungs. He spit it up after it had 
been there eight hours. Another bullet grazed his neck and 
he received a ghastly sabre cut over his head from which he 
lost a great deal of blood. He is not believed to be now in 
any danger, but it is a marvel he was not killed. He was in 
good spirits. Dr. Fuller was with him, he will start for 
home in a day or two.—We left Point of Rocks at ten last 
night and stopped at City Point to see if there was anything 
for me there. Charley went ashore and I went to bed. It 
was our intention to come to Norfolk last night and spend 
to-day with Sam, as Genl. Ord had given me control of the 
boat. I was feeling well and in the highest spirits. I had 
seen so much of the final scenes of the rebellion and peace 
seemed so near. But alas! how soon my joy was to be 
turned into unspeakable sorrow. Charley returned to the 
boat and awakened me to tell me of the shocking news of the 
assassination of our God-given and beloved President. It 
completely unmanned me. I immediately gave orders to 
start the boat for Washington and we shall reach there 
about midnight to-night. God only knows what is now in 


Elihu Benjamin Washburne piely 


store for our unhappy country. I have been abed all day, 
having no heart to get up and write or do anything. I 
am tortured by the most cruel anxiety to know all the 
particulars. I will write more to-morrow after arriving 


Be Wil. 
To Mrs. WasHBURNE 


Washington, Apl. 18, 1865, Tuesday 

We are to be longer delayed than I had supposed. The 
‘remains will not start from here till Friday morning, and 
then we go by N. Y. and shall stop along several days on the 
way. It will be ten days before we shall reach Chicago. 
The remains of the President are lying in State at the White 
House, and the crowd going thither is immense—stretching 
nearly from Willard’s Hotel to the White House. . 


EARLY CONTACT WITH LINCOLN AND GRANT 


Elihu Washburne knew Abraham Lincoln from the time 
that he first went to Illinois but he was not thrown with 
him intimately until both were attending the session of the 
Supreme Court of Illinois at Springfield in the winter of 
1843-44. In the library of the court in the evenings the 
lawyers were wont to gather for social purposes and there 
Washburne heard Lincoln tell his amusing stories sur- 
rounded by his congenial friends. They met again at the 
River and Harbor Convention at Chicago in July, 1847. 
It was then that Washburne heard Lincoln, who was only 
thirty-six years old, called “Old Abe” and, himself, ever 
afterwards called him “Old Abe.” He described his 
appearance at that convention. “Tall, angular, and 
awkward, he had on a short-waisted, thin, swallow-tail 
coat, a short vest of the same material, thin pantaloons, 
scarcely coming down to his ankles, a straw hat, and a 
pair of brogans with woolen socks.”’ 

Washburne went to Washington in 1847 to attend to 
business before the Supreme Court when Lincoln was in 
Congress, and as he was the only Whig member from 
Illinois, Washburne passed much of his time in Lincoln’s 
room. Afterwards they corresponded on political matters. 
In the spring of 1849 Washburne was again in Washington 
and saw more of Lincoln and went with him to the in- 
augural ball of General Zachary Taylor. Washburne 
supported Lincoln in his candidacy for the Senate in 1855 
and although Lyman Trumbull was chosen by Lincoln’s 
advice the latter felt grateful to Washburne for standing 

228 


Elihu Benjamin Washburne 229 


by him. He wrote him a long letter describing the contest 
and concluded thus: ‘“‘With my grateful acknowledg- 
ments for the kind, active, and continual interest you have 
taken for me in this matter, allow me to subscribe myself, 
Yours forever, 
A. Lincoln.” 


Washburne came to be recognized in Congress as the 
friend of the new President and as a consequence his 
prestige greatly increased. When the electoral vote was 
counted on February 13, 1861, Washburne was one of the 
two tellers on the part of the House. After the election 
there was fear for the safety of the government in conse- 
quence of the threatening language of the Southern mem- 
bers, so the Republican members of the Senate and House 
appointed a committee of two to take measures to guard 
against hostile plots. Grimes of Iowa was the Senate 
member and Washburne the member from the House. 
They kept in communication with General Scott, and 
Kennedy, the chief of police of New York, sent them 
several of his best detectives. As the time for the inau- 
guration approached another unofficial committee was 
formed to look after the safety of the President-elect, 
Seward acting for the Senate and Washburne for the 
House. They received information believed to be au- 
thentic that a plot had been formed to assassinate Lincoln 
when he should pass through Baltimore on his way to 
Washington. It was therefore arranged that he should 
come at an unexpected hour. Accordingly he was at 
Baltimore before daylight travelling on a regular passenger 
train and arrived in Washington at a very early hour on 
February 24. Seward and Washburne had agreed to be 
at the station to meet him, but Seward was late, so the 


230 ©. Israel, Elihu and Cadwallader Washburn 


only person to welcome the new President to Washington 
was Washburne. He took him in his carriage to Willard’s 
Hotel. 

It is probable that there was no member of the House 
whose voice was more influential at the White House 
during Lincoln’s administration than Washburne’s. It 
was in reply to Washburne’s inquiry that Lincoln said, as 
early as October, 1863, that he was willing to serve for a 
second term. 


Private and confidential 
Hon. E. B. Washburn 
Executive Mansion, Washington, Oct. 26, 1863 
My dear Sir:—Yours of the 12th has been in my hands 
several days. Enclosed I send a leave of absence for your 
brother (General Cadwallader Colden Washburn) in as 
good form as I think I can safely put it. Without knowing 
whether he would accept it, I have tendered the Collector- 
ship of Portland, Maine, to your other brother, the Gov- 
ernor. Thanks to both you and our friend Campbell 
(Thompson Campbell) for your kind words and intentions. 
A second term would be a great honor, and a great labor, 
which together, perhaps, I could not decline, if tendered. 
Yours truly, 
A. Lincoln 


To Mrs. WASHBURNE 


Washington, D. C. Dec. 6, 1863, Sunday morning 

.. . Wehad the caucus last night and I declined to be a 
candidate (for speaker), all of which you will see in the 
papers before this reaches you. .. . 

“Old Abe” has a well developed case of varioloid. I was 
with him an hour and a half the other day and we went 
over many things. He did what he said he had done to no 
other person outside of his cabinet, he read me his message. 
The Madam was very gracious when I saw her. .. . 


Elihu Benjamin Washburne 231 


To Mrs. WaAsHBURNE 


Washington, Sunday Morning, Dec. 20, 1863 
. . . The President has confided to me the getting up of 
the medal to Genl. Grant, and I go up to the Governor’s to 
talk about the emblems and devices we shall have on 
Na 


To Mrs. WasHBURNE 


Washington, D. C. Sept. 11, 1864, Sunday 

. . . Things are moving on finely in the political world. 
The Copperheads seem to be in a great snarl. Little Mac 
don’t seem to go down very well with the real rebels, but 
they will have to swallow him. But we shall beat them any 
how. You will have seen the excellent letter that Genl. 
Grant wrote to me. It is doing a great deal of good... . 
If we can only get through this Presidential election and 
save the country, I shall feel like a new man. 

To-morrow is the Maine election, and if that only comes 
out right it will be the first gun to knock them. .. . 


More of a factor in Washburne’s career than his relations 
with Lincoln were his relations with Grant. He and 
Lincoln were coadjutors in Illinois politics and in carrying 
on the war, and they were mutually helpful to each other, 
but the burden of the obligation was on Washburne’s 
side. In the case of Grant the burden of the obligation 
was on the side of Grant who owed more to Washburne 
than he did to any one else. 

Soon after Lincoln issued his first call for volunteers to 
suppress the rebellion, on May 3, 1861, a Union meeting 
was held at Hanover, a small town near Galena, and Wash- 
burne arranged to go to it with John Rawlins, a lawyer in 
Galena, and W. R. Rowley, the clerk of the circuit court. 
Both were afterwards generals in the war and Rawlins 


232 Israel, Elihu and Cadwallader Washburn 


became Secretary of War. It was suggested to Washburne 
that they should take with them Rawlins’ neighbor, 
Ulysses S. Grant, who was a graduate of West Point. 
Both Rawlins and Rowley knew Grant, but Washburne 
did not know him. He had been a clerk in his father’s, 
Jesse Root Grant’s, leather store for about a year. Wash- 
burne knew nearly everybody in Galena and everybody of 
consequence, but the obscure clerk had escaped his notice. 
So Rawlins and Rowley introduced Grant to Washburne 
and Grant agreed to drive the party of four over to the 
meeting at Hanover with his horses. He was made chair- 
man of the meeting, and after it was over, as they drove 
home, he told his companions that, as he had been ed- 
ucated by the government, he considered that the govern- 
ment had a right to his services, and if war broke out he 
intended to offer them. West Point graduates were rare 
in Jo Davies’s county; in fact, Washburne did not have 
another constituent, in all probability, who had been an 
officer in the regular army. 

A few days after the Hanover meeting Washburne and 
several others went to Springfield to consult Governor 
Yates on military measures and carried Grant with them. 
The governor welcomed him and appointed him a clerk in 
the adjutant general’s department. On June 21, 1861, at 
Washburne’s request, Lincoln appointed him colonel of the 
21st Illinois volunteers. On August 7, at Washburne’s 
instance, he was appointed a brigadier general of volun- 
teers, the commission being dated back to May 17. On 
February 16, 1862, at Washburne’s instance, he was 
appointed a major general of volunteers. All his other 
appointments came with Washburne’s assistance. He 
introduced and carried through the bill creating the rank 
of lieutenant general. The story of Grant’s gratitude can | 


Elihu Benjamin Washburne 233 


best be told by the extracts from some © of his letters to 
Washburne. 

Under date of September 3, 1861, he wrote: 

“, ..In conclusion, Mr. Washburne, allow me to 
thank you for the part you have taken in giving me my 
present position. I think I see your hand in it, and admit 
that I had no personal claims for your kind office in the 
matter. I can assure you, however, that my whole heart 
is in the cause which we are fighting for, and I pledge my- 
self that, if equal to the task before me, you shall never 
have cause to regret the part you have taken.” 

Under date February 21, 1862, he told Washburne he 
had asked his brother, C. C. Washburn, to take a place on 
his staff, and added: “I feel very grateful to you for 
having placed me in the position to have the honor of 
commanding such an army and at such a time. I only 
trust that I will not disappoint you.” 

He repeated this phrase again; invited Washburne to be 
his guest and told him his military plans. He asked his 
assistance with the War Department constantly. On 
December 12, 1863, he wrote: ‘‘I feel under many obliga- 
tions to you for the interest you have taken in my welfare.” 
At another time he said he was very grateful to the citizens 
of Illinois in Jo Davies’s county and to Washburne in 
particular. 

On November g, 1865, he said: “I will be in my new 
house by Christmas. Without furnishing the fourth story 
I will have abundance of room for myself and friends. 
If Mrs. Washburne comes on to visit Washington this 
winter bring her to our house.” 

From Headquarters, August 16, 1866, he wrote that he 
would be at Galena when the election took place, but 
thought it improper for an army commander to take a 


234 Israel, Elihu and Cadwallader Washburn 


part. He added: “Your friendship for me has been such 
that I should not hesitate to support you for personal 
reasons, on the ground that there is no one who cannot 
recognize great acts of friendship.” 


ENDORSEMENT OF RADICAL PARTY 


Washburne, having witnessed the surrender at Ap- 
pomattox and having attended the funeral of the great 
President, took up the work of rehabilitation of the Union 
with his party friends in Congress. He would have 
championed Lincoln’s conciliatory plan of reconstruction 
if Lincoln had proposed it, and if there had been a split 
on the question between Lincoln and certain radical mem- 
bers of his party (as there would have been) Washburne 
would have stood with Lincoln and so would the majority 
of his party. Washburne did not want a split with Andrew 
Johnson. 

He wrote to Mrs. Washburne. 


Washington, D. C. Jany. 7, 1866, Sunday Morning 


I was quite busy in running round yesterday. I saw the 
President and found him very well and he talked very well 
indeed. I hope and believe there will be no split between 
him and the Congress. I also saw the General and all the 
staff and all are well and made many kind inquiries about 
you. I expect the General every minute to call for us to go 
over home with him... . 


When the bill to admit Nebraska as a state, the object 
of which was to add more votes to the Republican majority 
in Congress, came before the House, Washburne moved, on 
January 1, 1867, to lay it on the table. When his party 
associates remarked that this would kill it he replied: 
“JT want to kill it and to kill all such bills.” There were 
reports that he had become one of the President’s party 
and several of his friends wrote to him in some astonish- 


235 


236 Israel, Elihu and Cadwallader Washburn 


ment at the news. On November 25, 1867, a resolution to 
impeach the President being presented to the House, 
Washburne voted against it and it was defeated. But as 
the tide turned more strongly against the President he 
turned with it. His correspondence was all with anti- 
Johnson men, many of them Republicans who were hold- 
ing office in the Southern states. They related to him the 
ill-treatment which the negroes and all Union men were 
receiving. He was appointed one of the joint committee 
of the House and Senate on reconstruction and concurred 
in the reports of the committee. In Congress great 
importance was attached to his views, not only because of 
his commanding position among the leaders but because 
he was supposed to be the mouthpiece of General Grant. 
He was regarded as the ordinary medium of communica- 
tion with General Grant for all sorts of purposes, military 
and civil, and his mail was full of letters containing in- 
formation or requests which were intended for the great 
man, 

As time went on and radical vindictiveness towards the 
South on the part of the majority in Congress was met by 
maladroit defiance on the part of the President the atmos- 
phere became surcharged with feelings of hatred towards 
the President. All of Washburne’s friends joined in the 
chorus of denunciation of the President. Grant and the 
President became bitter enemies. It was impossible to be 
a friend of Grant and of Johnson at the same time. Wash- 
burne was never a moderate man. He was for or against 
a measure or a man with all his might, and he was now 
against Andrew Johnson and his policy with all his might. 
Every measure leveled against that unhappy man he now 
favored. He wanted him impeached; he wanted him con- 
victed. When a resolution was offered giving the thanks 


Elihu Benjamin Washburne 237 


of Congress to General Hancock for his conduct as military 
governor at New Orleans, Washburne offered a substitute 
“utterly condemning the conduct of Andrew Johnson 
acting President of the United States” for removing 
General Sheridan from the military governorship of that 
department and the House adopted the substitute. Later, 
in a speech he attacked the President with peculiar rancor. 
“His whole official career as President,” he said, ‘“‘has 
been marked by a wicked disregard of all the obligations 
of public duty and by a degree of perfidy and treachery and 
turpitude unheard of in the history of the rulers of a free 
people; his personal and official character has made him 
the opprobrium of both hemispheres, and brought ineffable 
disgrace on the American name.” He wrote of him 
privately as ‘“‘the bad and faithless man at the head of the 
government.” | 

When Thomas Turner who was a candidate for Congress 
against him in 1867 proposed a public debate with him he 
replied: 

“Before accepting your invitation, I wish to know from 
you what Congress you are a candidate for? If you are 
a candidate for the Congress to be composed of Northern 
Copperheads and Southern Rebels, which it is semi- 
officially proclaimed that President Johnson is to recog- 
nize, to the exclusion of the constitutional Congress of the 
United States, then I desire to say that I am not a candi- 
date for any such Congress, and that I do not propose 
entering into a canvass for any office for which I am not a 
candidate. 

“Tf, on the other hand, you will certify to the people 
of this district that you are a candidate for the legal and 
constitutional Congress of the United |States, and for a 
member of that House of Representatives for the Fortieth 


238 Israel, Elihu and Cadwallader Washburn 


Congress which shall be called to order, according to the 
established precedent, by the Clerk of the present House, 
and to which no member shall be admitted without taking 
the ‘iron-clad oath’ of loyalty, and that you will repudiate 
the illegal and revolutionary Congress which President 
Johnson proposes to recognize then I have to state that 
I will accept your invitation with great pleasure.” 

Members of the ruling party in Congress competed with 
one another in phrasing violent abuse of Andrew Johnson, 
and Elihu Washburne deserved one of the prizes. History 
now delights to honor the men who opposed the impeach- 
ment of Andrew Johnson, who opposed his conviction and 
who recognized that his position was right and the position 
of Congress was wrong. But at the time these men were 
in the minority and especially in the Republican party 
they were overwhelmed by the bitter sentiment on the 
other side. Washburne’s fierce attacks strengthened his 
hold on his party at the time and never in his subsequent 
career were they a source of weakness to him. When the 
impeachment trial was in progress he sent this telegram 
to a Republican convention which met in New Hampshire 
to put General Grant in nomination: 

“Bingham is making a splendid speech. All looks well. 
The Constitution will be vindicated, and the recreant put 
out of the White House before the end of the week.” 


RELATIONS WITH GRANT AND LAST PERIOD OF 
CONGRESSIONAL ACTIVITY 


With General Grant’s nomination for the Presidency 
Washburne’s congressional career entered upon its final 
phase. He introduced a bill to make the telegraph a part 
of the postal establishment to be operated by the govern- 
ment. His speech was carefully prepared and he arrayed 
all the arguments in favor of the measure with his usual 
ability. He co-operated in the project with his brother 
Cadwallader, but neither of them could awaken much 
popular interest in the subject. Joseph Medill, the editor 
of the Chicago Tribune, always the friend and advocate of 
Elihu Washburne, explained to him one cause of the 
apathy. The newspapers thought it probable that the 
especially low tolls which the telegraph companies granted 
to them would be raised if the government owned the 
telegraph lines. Relatively few people used the telegraph 
and no glaring abuses had resulted from the private 
ownership, so in spite of Washburne’s efforts the proposal 
for government ownership made no headway. 

He encountered a different popular temper when he rose 
to warn the country against official extravagance and 
corruption. Here he pointed to that which any man could 
see and of which all men were ashamed. The indignation 
against those who had brought scandal upon the govern- 
ment was intense and the mouthpiece of this indignation 
was Washburne. The praise which he received after his 
speech of January 6, 1869, which was his last in Congress, 
would have turned the head of a less seasoned politician. 
One correspondent wrote: “You must be constantly 

239 


240 Israel, Elihu and Cadwallader Washburn 


occupied in keeping at bay the human wolves who are 
sneaking about the government treasury. Such vigilance 
and bravery will bring their reward sooner or later. I 
have for a long time feared for your health. If that should 
fail, I don’t know who would fill the breach.” Another 
said: ‘We consider you as the man of the people.” 
Another said that he must on no account leave Congress, 
that the country could not spare him. The favorite 
expression was to praise his “noble stand against extrav- 
agance and corruption.” 

The speech which called forth these encomiums was one 
of a number of the same tenor, denouncing the subsidized 
railways, government contractors, speculators in the rise 
and fall of the value of gold, lobbyists who were urging 
corrupt measures upon Congress. He began his speech by 
saying that the war was now over and the reconstruction 
of the South had been accomplished. A loyal administra- 
tion was about to come into power. Therefore it was a 
time when the country should turn its attention to its 
internal affairs,—to taxes, economy, railroads and tele- 
graphs, to dishonest office holders and all others who were 
plundering the public treasury. General Grant had been 
elected, he said, not only because.of his great services in 
subduing the rebellion, but because the people believed 
him to be an honest man who would administer the 
government without fear or favor. A new departure in 
administration was absolutely necessary. The demoraliza- 
tion incident to the great expenditures of the war, with 
immense contracts, inflation of the currency, speculation, 
sudden fortunes, widespread extravagance and corruption 
must be met and the subsidized land-grabbing railroads, 
grasping monopolists, gamblers, lobbyists and_bribe- 
givers who were fattening upon the government must be 


Elihu Benjamin Washburne 241 


driven away. The first necessity was to keep all expendi- 
tures down to the lowest possible level. 

He could not have chosen a theme more in harmony with 
popular desires. Moreover, his long record was in har- 
mony with his words. At this time there were few men in 
the country who stood higher with the public than Wash- 
burne did. All the signs of the successful man surrounded 
him. His offices were crowded with suitors for his favor, 
flatterers fawned upon him, half the letters he received 
were from strangers who were attracted to a famous man, 
and, surest sign that power was believed to lie in his hands, 
hundreds of people asked him to get offices for them. The 
requests took a wide range from small clerkships to 
assignments upon the staff of the general of the army. 

In the midst of it all, when the echoes of the retrench- 
ment speech were still sounding, Mr. Washburne was 
taken seriously ill, and, on the eve of the inauguration of 
the new President, for the whole month of February, 1869, 
he was confined to his bed or his house. He had been 
seriously ill the year before; he had spent the summer of 
1867 in Europe in search of health. His friends and 
relations now urged him to take a rest. E. H. Gratiot 
wrote from Belmont, Wisconsin, Feb. 22, 1869: 

“T hope you will give up your work for a while and after 
the inauguration will come out with Adéle and recruit up 
again.” 

But there were other things for him to do and however 
much he may have needed rest there was none of it in 
the future as there had been none in the past. 

General Grant heard the news of his election to be 
President at Washburne’s house in Galena. | 

Elihu wrote to Mrs. Washburne the day of the elec- 
tion: 


242 


Israel, Elihu and Cadwallader Washburn 


It is very quiet so far to-day, and it is now just after 
dinner. The weather is pleasant, and voting is progressing 
very well. We hope to beat the coppers in this town of 
East Galena, but you will see long before this reaches you 
how it is. The Genl. was in my library an hour before 
dinner, calm as a summer morning. He will probably 
leave here for W. Thursday evening. The telegraph op- 
erator is over from Chicago and the wires are already in the 
library ready to tick out good news. About eight o’clock 
this evening we shall begin to get something, I hope. .. . 

Genl. Rawlins will stay at our house to-night and Mr. 
Allison will be over to stay to-morrow night. After to- 
morrow I must dismiss politics from my head and look after 
business. 

We had a splendid meeting last night at the Court House 
and kept it up till near eleven o’clock. John Rawlins made 
a fine speech... . 


Again that evening to Mrs. Washburne 


6 P. M. Nov. 1868 

You ought to be here this evening for you would enjoy 
it. The telegraph machinery is all in and I am writing at 
the table where the instruments are in front of the window 
that looks out on the porch. The operator is here and we 
are waiting for the returns to come in. Augustus and 
Anna have come in and now we all go in to tea. Now we 
all come out from tea into the library and the telegraph 
ticks away, but as yet brings no news. We expect the 
General in soon; also Ben Campbell, Felt, Nate Corinth, 
Badeau, Isaac N. Morris and Comstock. Morris is a friend 
of the General from Quincy. It has been a very rainy day 
and disagreeable. .. . 


To Mrs. WasHBURNE 


Galena, Wednesday morning, 9-% o'clock November, 1868 
The little old library looks like a Committee room of 
Ward politicians this morning. ... It was very exciting 
receiving returns. After success seemed to be assured, the 


Elihu Benjamin Washburne 243 


Lead Mine Band came over and gave some music and we 
felt pretty foxy. The General staid till about one o’clock 
this morning. You will see all the returns before this 
reaches you. The General was very cool, yet anxious. .. . 

What a terrific contest we have had! It has come out 
right, but what a narrow escape. 


The election to the Presidency of General Grant was a 
fateful event in the career of Elihu Washburne. It was 
felt at once that the great friendship which Grant bore 
him, the great debt which Grant owed him and his long 
and useful career in public service marked him as the com- 
ing man in the new administration. There were rumors 
that he was to be the Secretary of the Treasury, that he 
was to be Secretary of the Interior, that he was to go as 
Minister to England. Some of his friends begged him not 
to leave the House, asserting that he would be more use- 
ful to the country there than he would be elsewhere. 

The selections for the Cabinet were kept a profound 
secret until the nominations were sent to the senate the 
day after the new President had been inaugurated. 

One story current at the time was that Washburne had 
no desire to be Secretary of State and was surprised, when, 
sitting in his committee room on March 5, a page handed 
him the list of the Cabinet nominations and he saw his 
own name at the head. Cabinet offices are not, however, 
usually conferred in that way. The construction of a 
Cabinet is an elaborate process involving discussion and 
consultation; and it is improbable that Washburne did 
not know that he was to be the Secretary of State. 

Why did he accept the office? His health had been bad 
all winter and was still uncertain. He had no desire to 
put it to the strain of performing the duties of a cabinet 
officer. Did he desire merely the compliment of being 


244 Israel, Elihu and Cadwallader Washburn 


named for the highest office in the President’s gift? Per- 
haps he did. There is no way of testing the question. In 
itself it was a barren compliment, however. His name is 
on the list of the Secretaries of State—that is all. His 
fame derived no addition from the fact. Did he desire 
the office so that he might have greater prestige when he 
went as this country’s representative to a foreign power? 
This seems not improbable. All the accounts of him which 
were written in Paris after he became Minister there laid 
stress upon his intimate relations with President Grant 
and the fact that the President had shown the regard in 
which he held him by appointing him to be his Secretary 
of State. He did derive added prestige as Minister from 
the preliminary appointment in the Cabinet. 

As for his qualifications to be Secretary of State, we can 
pass the matter over. He had not been especially con- 
cerned in the nation’s foreign affairs during his public 
service; but he was not himself conscious of a lack of the 
qualifications necessary to manage them. He had the self- 
confidence of an ambitious, successful man. Whether he 
would have made such a notable record as Secretary of 
State as Hamilton Fish made is an idle speculation. He 
was a man of many resources which developed as occasion 
called for them. 

Historians have generally assumed that Mr. Wash- 
burne’s appointment as Secretary of State was merely 
intended as a compliment and this may have been the 
reason why it was made. Another reason which has been 
given by the critics is that he sought the office so as to 
appoint his political friends to offices in the foreign service; 
but this reason is both absurd and false—absurd, because 
no man of Washburne’s intelligence would have hazarded 
his standing before the public by a course which would 


Elihu Benjamin Washburne 245 


certainly have met with public reprobation, and false 
because, as a matter of fact, he made no appointments. 

Washburne was commissioned Secretary of State, 
March 5; on March Io he wrote to the President resigning 
the office; on March 15 his successor, Hamilton Fish, 
took the office over. Washburne held it for exactly ten 
days, five of which were by sufferance while he waited for 
Mr. Fish to come on from New York and claim the office 
to which he had been appointed and confirmed. The 
official record shows that in those ten days twenty-two 
nominations to foreign positions were sent from the State 
Department to the Senate. Only one was the nomination 
of a citizen of Illinois; not one was a nomination in which 
Washburne had any special concern. Further than that, 
he announced publicly as soon as he was made Secretary 
of State that he would merely receive the papers of ap- 
plicants for office and file them for his successor to 
consider—that he would not consider them himself— 
and this announcement was printed in the newspapers. 


Washington, D. C., March 10, 1860 


To the President,— 

When you did me the honor to confer upon me the 
appointment of Secretary of State, I felt constrained to 
state to you that my health would prevent me from holding 
the position for any length of time. I am already admon- 
ished that a proper discharge of the duties of the office would 
involve more labor and responsibility than I am willing to 
undertake in justice to the public interest and myself. If 
convenient and agreeable to you, I would be glad to have 
you name my successor at as early a moment as you deem 
practicable, and you will please consider this as my resigna- 
tion, to take effect as soon as my successor is qualified and 
ready to enter upon the discharge of the duties of the office. 

I need not add here, Mr. President, how gratefully I 


246 


Israel, Elihu and Cadwallader Washburn 


appreciate the distinguished honor you conferred upon me 
by inviting me to become one of your constitutional ad- 
visers. 

Had circumstances permitted it, I should have been 
pleased to have been associated with you officially, and to 
have aided you as far as in my power in carrying out your 
views in the administration of the Government upon the 
principles of honesty, retrenchment, economy, public faith 
and exact and equal justice to all. 

I have the honor to be, very respectfully, your obedient 
servant, 


E. B. Washburne 
THE PRESIDENT TO WASHBURNE 


Washington, D. C. March 11, 1869 
Hon. E. B. Washburne 
Dear Sir: Your resignation of the office of Secretary 
of State, with reasons for the same, is received. In accept- 
ing it I do so with regret that your health will not permit 
you to continue in the office or in some cabinet position. 
Our personal relations have been from the breaking out 
of the rebellion to the present day, and your support of me 
individually and of the army and its cause, such that no 
other idea presented itself stronger to my mind, on the 
first news of my election to the presidency, than that I 
should continue to have your advice and assistance. In 
parting with you, therefore, I do it with assurance of 
continued confidence in your ability, zeal, and friendship, 
and with the hope that you may soon be relieved from the 
physical disabilities under which you have labored for the 
last few years. 
Very truly yours, 
U. S. Grant 


MINISTER TO FRANCE 


Then, as we know, he accepted the office of Minister 
to France. The letters to his wife, shortly after his 


arrival there, show how much he wished her to participate 
in his official life. 
Legation des Etats Unis 
Paris Le 13 June 1869, Sunday morning 
Last night attended my first State Dinner at Lord 
Lyons. There were fifty guests. The dinner was given in 
honor of the Queen of Holland. The hotel of the British 
Embassy is one of the most splendid in Paris. The English 
Government keeps it up in most magnificent style. The 
drawing rooms, the dining room, the garden, the verandahs, 
are indeed splendid. I can hardly describe the gorgeous 
appearance of the table decorated with the most exquisite 
flowers. The dinner was served with all the elegance that 
taste and money could secure. We sat down at half past 
seven and made comparatively short work of it. We were 
through at nine of the o’clock. I like that better than the 
way in Washington of sitting three and four hours at the 
table. I can tell of but few of those who were present, for 
here in society they never introduce people, except for some 
special reason. I was, of course, introduced to the lady 
whom I escorted to dinner. She was La Baronne Waetcher, 
the wife of the Wirtemburg Minister, an American lady, 
and very pleasant. I was introduced to the Queen and had 
quite a chat with her. She is a woman of 50, not handsome 
but well enough—quite intelligent and speaking the Eng- 
lish language perfectly. There were also present three 
Princesses, daughters of Lucien Bonaparte, two of whom I 
was introduced to late in the evening. Rouher, Minister 
of State, and wife were there, also, and indeed any number 
of high old dignitaries. ‘The ladies were all very much 
dressed, low necks and bare arms. But the most agreeable 
people there were the English, particularly Lord Clarence 
Page and Lady Clarence. Lord Clarence is a British Ad- 


247 


248 


Israel, Elihu and Cadwallader Washburn 


miral, and lately in command of the English Mediterranean 
Squadron, who entertained Farragut at Malta. He is a 
plain, cordial, frank old fellow. And you might have taken 
him for one of our Joe Davy’s County Supervisors. Lady 
Clarence is very much younger and a most charming person 
and was full of praise of the Farraguts. They both invited 
me most cordially to visit them in England. At half past 
ten the Queen took her departure, and then we all left. 
Lord Lyons is a most pleasant gentleman, and he, too, is 
very plain and unpretending. The fellows of the least 
account had on the most trappings. 

There have been great riots and disturbances during the 
last week in some parts of Paris. Indeed, many thought we 
were on the eve of another revolution. Vast crowds as- 
sembled every night on the Boulevards, singing the Mar- 
seillaise, raising seditious cries, destroying property, etc. 
Friday night I took a voiture and rode down the Boule- 
vards, even to Montmartre where the greatest disturbance 
had been. My driver kept on until he saw a regiment of 
cavalry sweeping the crowd out of the street, when he 
turned around and “‘put”’ in the other direction. A vast 
number of arrests have been made of the “perturbators”’ 
and also a good many editors have been seized. ‘Two 
Americans were arrested, who were in the crowd, and I 
have had to intercede officially to get them out of the jug. 
I think the trouble is now over and everything seems to be 
quietis sis." 


Palace of Campiégne, Saturday morning, Nov. 13, 1869 


Yesterday the “Royal Party” visited the grand old 
Chateau of Pierrefonds, on the other side of the forest, some 
eight or nine miles, I should think. We started about noon 
five large open wagons, four horses each and each carrying 
nine persons. The Emperor again invited me to take a seat 
with him and M. Le Roux, one of his ministers. I cannot 
go into a description of that wonderful old chateau, but 
must wait till I return. We remained there an hour or two, 
returning to the palace at 4 o’clock. The performances 


Elihu Benjamin Washburne 249 


last evening were diversified by a lottery and they had a 
heap of fun—There was a big table in a grand old hall, and 
chairs all around the table, a little ways off, for the ladies to 
sit in. On the table there were a great many little things 
suitable for souveniers, of all values, such as cigar cases, 
glove and handkerchief boxes, photograph frames, match 
holders, candy boxes, vases, dolls, birds in cages, and all 
sorts of nice little French jim cracks. All these things had a 
number. Then each guest drew from a bag a button with 
a number on it. An old gentleman goes to the table and 
takes up an article and calls out the number and the person 
holding that number comes forward. ‘Then the old gentle- 
man carefully unrolls it while the whole crowd is on the qui 
vive to know what the party has drawn, and then goes up 
applause and all sorts of exclamations. The Emperor, the 
Prince and the Princess Matilde all had a button. The 
Prince drew some little thing and the Princess a cigar case, 
but the Emperor drew a blank. The most valuable thing 
was a beautiful little Sevres vase, made for the Prince 
Imperial, and having his portrait with the letter N. The 
number of that was called out, the old gentleman unrolled 
it to the admiring gaze of the company and a great shout 
went up as I stepped forward with the number and claimed 
it. The Emperor and the Princess and all hands con- 
gratulated me on having drawn such a beautiful prize. 

After the drawing was over we went back into the 
dancing hall. I danced a quadrille with the Princess 
Matilde, who is really a most charming and pleasant lady, 
and a graceful dancer. She speaks “English a little.” The 
standing round in company is awful on my back and it 
aches this morning “fit to kill.” I do not know the order 
for to-day, but I wish I might have quiet. . . . They are 
going to keep us here over Monday as a ball is to be given 
in honor of the Empress Monday night. .. . 


Legation des Etats Unis 

Paris Le 29 Apl. 1870, Friday morning 
I dined last night with Papa and Mamma le Lien, some 
17 covers, mostly French. The women were covered with 


250 


Israel, Elihu and Cadwallader Washburn 


diamonds, but hideous to look upon. There was there a 
most celebrated woman whom I did not suppose was alive. 
It was La Marquise de Boissy, the widow of Le Marquis 
de Boissy, a Senator and a distinguished man. La Marquise 
was the friend of Lord Byron in her early days, and was then 
the Countess of Guechioli. She wrote the life of Byron 
and is going to send it to me. She is a most interesting 
person, and is the best preserved person of her age I ever 
saw—lI shall go and see her some Wednesday. She is very 
rich and has a sort of palace. The dinner was very pleasant. 
After dinner I went into the Erlanger’s party for an hour. 
It was the most brilliant private party of the season. I did 
not see many persons whom I knew and came off very soon. 
I am going with Baron Erlanger today to see the Post- 
master General about the postal treaty business. 


On July 3, 1870, Washburne had left Paris for Carlsbad 
to take the cure. On July 15 he received notice that 
France had declared war on Prussia. There was no 
railway at Carlsbad, so he took the diligence from that 
place to Eger, rode all night and caught a train for Paris 
where he arrived on July 18. 


To Mrs. WASHBURNE 


Paris July 19, 1870, Tuesday Morning 

You will see J am back again at Paris. I telegraphed 
you yesterday from Belgium that I was on my way. I 
heard of the declaration of war on Saturday and left that 
night and arrived here at 10 o’clock last night after a 
terribly hard and continuous trip of 52 hours, the first night 
being in the stage. I was sorry to have to give up my cure, 
but it was inevitable. This is my place where duty calls 
me and here I must remain. I have no time to write 
particulars this morning. I am feeling better than I thought 
I should after my hard trip... . 


Elihu Benjamin Washburne 261 


To Mrs. WasHBURNE 


Paris, Sunday, Oct. 16, 1870, evening 


I am going to try and get the Americans, who want 
to go, out of Paris. Bismarck has agreed to let them go. 
As soon as IJ can get all out who want to go and get the rest 
cared for, then I will begin to think of getting out myself. 
But I can’t think of going as long as it is my duty to stay 
here. We are very comfortable at Mr. Huffer’s. Dr. 
Johnston dines here today. The weather is rainy and cold 
and fall has evidently setin... . 

Things look more and more unpromising here and I can 
see no glimmer of light. Noonecan tell what there is in the 
future for poor France, or how long we will stay here. 
During these terrible times and the great responsibility 
thrust upon me, I have sighed for home more than ever. 
I would be delighted to bid a final adieu to public life and 
settle down with our children around us and spend the 
remainder of our days in quiet... . 


In a speech which he made in 1875 when he was home 
on leave of absence, he said of his mission to France: ' ' 

“The position that I was some part of the time called 
upon to occupy, was a novel one, and almost without 
precedent. At the time of the unlooked-for declaration 
of war, there were large numbers of Americans in Paris 
and in France, with large interests at stake. There were 
also some forty thousand Germans in France, the most 
of them settled in Paris, where they had made their 
homes for years, and where centered all their interests. 
The breaking out of the war suddenly ruptured the dip- 
lomatic relations between the two countries, and it then 
became necessary in respect of these interests, as well as 
in the interest of humanity, that the Germans should have 
other protection for their persons and their affairs. And 


262 Israel, Elihu and Cadwallader Washburn 


it was then that the government of the North German 
Confederation, and the governments of Darmstadt, 
Saxony, and Saxe Coburg-Gotha, applied to the govern- 
ment of the Great Republic to have the American Minister 
at Paris charged with the protection of their people in 
France during the continuance of the war between the 
countries. You know how readily and cheerfully our 
government acceded to the request upon the condition 
that France would acquiesce. That acquiescence was 
promptly granted, but in accepting the charge of the 
Germans then in France, I was only the organ of my own 
government, and carrying out its instructions and wishes. 
I could have accomplished but little, however, had it not 
been for the great interest taken by the German govern- 
ment in its subjects, suddenly expelled by the Empire, 
and its unbounded liberality in furnishing me with all the 
pecuniary means necessary to aid them, and the ever- 
ready support accorded to me by the French govern- 
ment, and which enabled me to accomplish the mission 
with which I was charged. Therefore, but little credit 
is due to me personally in this regard, for if I succeeded in 
accomplishing anything it was due mainly to circum- 
stances, independent of my own action. With no expe- 
rience in such matters, and with no pretension of having 
been initiated in what are called the mysteries of diplo- 
macy, with no precedents laid down in the books to govern 
such an emergency, I had simply to do the best I could 
under the circumstances, and I took a sort of town-. 
meeting view of the whole subject and made precedents 
to suit the occasion. I could claim nothing more, if I 
could claim anything, than the practical sense I had 
picked up among the fir-clad hills of my native New 
England, and in the proud state of my adoption. Situated 


Elihu Benjamin Washburne 253 


as I was, in the midst of events that were convulsing 
France and Europe and the world, I deemed it a high 
privilege to do anything in my power to aid and assist, 
not only our own people, but all peoples and all national- 
ities, whenever and wherever I could properly do so. 
Alas! could such efforts at all times have been successful, 
the world might not have been called upon to witness one 
of the most tragic and fearful events in history, the foul 
murder of the Archbishop of Paris—that eminent man 
who in his life illustrated all the Christian virtues, 
honored by the rich and the exalted, and loved by the poor 
and the humble, and who alike in the gloom of the prison 
cell and under the fire of assassins, rose above the things 
of this earth, and who bore his faculties so meekly and was 
so clear in his great office, that his virtues plead like 
angels, trumpet-tongued, against 


‘The deep damnation of his taking off.” 


This tells in part the story of a remarkable diplomatic 
mission. In reality Washburne had had an exceptionally 
good training for the duties which he was called upon to 
perform. His long public career had accustomed him to 
responsibility. As a leader of the House he was skilled 
in controversy and his mind was alert and well exercised. 
As the head of the great dudget committee of government 
he was habituated to dealing with large subjects and to 
giving a negative reply to improper requests. Having 
stood with Lincoln and Grant during the Civil War, and 
visited the front and seen real battles, he heard the bom- 
bardments of Paris and saw the soldiers and the fighting 
in the streets without trepidation. His equipment for 
his mission was a great deal better than it would have 


254 Israel, Elihu and Cadwallader Washburn 


been, if he had spent his life in the brain-sapping duties 
of writing polite diplomatic notes about trifles and attend- 
ing punctiliously to the formal, unimportant affairs which 
constitute the business of a diplomatic officer in normal 
times. 

Yet he went to France in the hope of enjoying himself. 
He wanted to go in order to please his wife and to be in 
proximity of the springs and baths which he believed were 
beneficial to his health. On his visit to Europe in 1867 
he had taken the Carlsbad cure and he went there annually 
for eight years afterward. His fondness for all things 
French, which had come as a part of his fondness for Mrs. 
Washburne, made the post of Minister to France pecul- 
iarly desirable to him. Because he was a representative 
from the West and had not been on the Foreign Affairs 
Committee, the public in the East assumed that he was 
ignorant of foreign life and that he knew nothing of 
France. 

He was commissioned Envoy Extraordinary and Min- 
ister Plenipotentiary to the French Empire in 1869, and he 
presented his credentials to the Emperor Napoleon III. 
It was a brilliant court. Fétes, dinner-parties and other 
entertainments succeeded one another at short intervals. 
They were carefully planned and carried out with beautiful 
effect. As Mr. Washburne reported, the Emperor 
Napoleon III was especially desirous of cultivating the 
American envoy, in order that he might overcome the 
unfavorable impression which existed against him in 
America, because of his efforts to control the destiny of 
Mexico. Moreover, our Civil War had revealed to Europe 
the great power of our government, and the French 
Emperor, as Mr. Washburne knew, had favored the 


Elihu Benjamin Washburne 255 


recognition of the Confederate government. The Emperor 
wished to make amends and cause these things to be for- 
gotten. Mr. Washburne himself made a favorable 
impression at the French court. On one occasion when he 
introduced a large number of Americans to the Empress 
and called each one by name she was astounded at the 
power of his memory. He did not tell her that he had 
cultivated the faculty of remembering names and faces 
because it was a valuable possession to an American 
public man who had to get votes. His personality was 
striking in the throng of uniformed courtiers. He was out 
of the common run and suggested the vigor and simplicity 
of the country he represented. He had no personal 
affectations or pretensions. Among the public men of 
France he was recognized as an equal and he was received 
on terms of intimacy by those with whom he came in 
contact. 

As the war progressed it was not only Americans and 
Germans whom the American minister had under his 
protection, but citizens of Santo Domingo, Uruguay, 
Costa Rica, Ecuador, Chile, Paraguay, and Venezuela. 
Those countries had no diplomatic representation in 
France and their consuls asked Washburne to take 
charge of their interests which he did without special 
instructions from his government. He was successfully 
appealed to also by the Roumanians in Paris. Indeed 
the disposition to appeal to him was general and he 
interested himself in all meritorious cases which came 
before him. Many scoundrels, crazy people, frauds and 
meddlesome busy-bodies invoked his aid for their wild 
or nefarious schemes, but he was too experienced in 
judging men to be deceived by them. Complicated 
and novel questions of international law arose and he met 


256 Israel, Elihu and Cadwallader Washburn 


them with common sense, but, in these matters it was 
his good fortune to have the counsel of George Bemis, an 
international lawyer of note then living in Paris, who had 
attended the Harvard Law School at the same time with 
Washburne. 

The amount of relief work which Washburne managed 
was enormous. By December, 1870, he was feeding more 
than 1000 Germans; by March, 1871, the number had 
increased to 3000. He had a large amount of American 
property to guard. 

The war went on and Paris was besieged. Great 
admiration for the French arose in him and he saw and 
recorded many instances of their patriotism and bravery. 
He took intense interest in the drama which was enacted 
before him. He attended the debates of the legislative 
assembly; he drove out to the environs of Paris near the 
fighting; he visited the public offices and made friends 
with men who were managing the destiny of France. 
After the siege began the isolation, the suspense, the 
repetition each day of the scenes of sadness and suffering 
of the day before. The whole became extremely irk- 
some to Mr. Washburne, but there was no suggestion of 
his abandoning the scene of his great usefulness and un- 
selfish devotion. When there was nothing new to record 
he would sometimes amuse himself by writing in his 
diary a remembrance of the early days of his political 
life in Illinois. His mind went back to these experiences 
while all around him was ruin and distress. 

On the great day of the siege the bombardment of Paris 
began and continued for twenty-two days, and on March 
1, 1871, Mr. Washburne saw the German troops enter the 
city. Peace had come for France was conquered. The 
protection of the Germans in Paris now became even a 


Elihu Benjamin Washburne 267 


more difficult task than it had been while war lasted, for 
the hatred for the conquerors was now aflame. The war 
being over it might reasonably have been expected that 
the American Minister might be relieved of his extraneous 
and abnormal functions and might enjoy the experience 
of representing only his own country’s interests at a 
peaceful capital. On the contrary new duties were 
presented to him more trying than those of the war had 
been, involving greater responsibility and graver danger. 
During the war he was resident near a responsible govern- 
ment managed by responsible men, and during the suprem- 
acy of the Commune he lived near a band of enemies of 
society who had seized upon the government and were 
administering it in hideous caricature. 

Lord Lyons, the British Ambassador, reported to his 
government that when the regular government fled from 
the Paris mob to Versailles Mr. Washburne was the only 
minister representing a foreign government who remained 
in Paris. Lord Lyons indicated what was the truth, that 
Washburne being charged with German interests which 
centered in Paris had duties which his colleagues did not 
have and that he could correspond with his government 
without exciting the suspicion of the Commune, as his 
country was not only neutral but had no interest in the 
politics of Europe. It may well be doubted whether the 
Commune would have permitted the representatives of 
European powers to remain in Paris. At any rate, from 
the time that the Commune obtained control until the 
government troops took possession Elihu Washburne was 
the only foreign minister in Paris. He guarded American 
and German interests with sleepless vigilance. To effect 
this purpose he did not hesitate to communicate with 
officers of the Commune. He was told afterwards that 


258 Israel, Elihu and Cadwallader Washburn 


Jules Favre at Versailles criticized him for this, but he was 
convinced that it was the proper course to pursue. Wash- 
burne was having a strange experience. The Frenchmen 
with whom he had thus far been brought in contact were 
men of the highest type—such as Duc de Gramont, 
Jules Favre, Thiers, Casemir, Perier and Gambetta; now 
he met Pascal Grousset, Charles Lullier and the leader of 
the Commune, Raoul Regault, whom he described as 
“‘an architect of murder, pillage and incendiarism, a cruel 
and blood-thirsty villain, not even having one virtue to a 
thousand crimes.”’ One incident of this period must be 
given because it shows how Mr. Washburne performed 
his duties and because he himself looked upon it as one of 
the most interesting experiences of his diplomatic career. 

George Darboy, Archbishop of Paris, was arrested by 
the Commune on April 4, 1871, and put in prison as a 
hostage for the safety of several Communards who had 
been seized by the regular forces, the chief of them being 
the leader Blanquin. Mr. Washburne did not know the 
archbishop except by reputation, but he made inquiry 
into the circumstances of the arrest as soon as he heard 
of it. The Papal Nuncio in Paris applied to the British 
Ambassador at Versailles for his intercession in the 
archbishop’s behalf, but the British Ambassador declined 
to intervene. Application was then made to Mr. Wash- 
burne by the Papal Nuncio and other Catholic dignitaries 
in Paris and he agreed to act without waiting for instruc- 
tions from the government at Washington. He obtained 
permits to visit the archbishop and was the first person 
from outside the prison who was permitted to see him 
after his arrest. Washburne sent a confidential message to 
Bismarck informing him of the archbishop’s danger. He 
acted as intermediary between the archbishop and the 


Elihu Benjamin Washburne 259 


outside world and delivered letters for the archbishop. He 
sent a memorandum drawn up by the archbishop to 
Thiers at the head of the regular government stating that 
Blanquin be released or permitted to escape. The Amer- 
ican minister would act as intermediary in effecting the 
exchange. Thiers was unwilling, however, to make any 
concessions to the Commune; he insisted, moreover, that 
the archbishop’s life was not in danger. The govern- 
ment troops entered Paris, May 22, and were stationed 
between the legation and the prison where the archbishop 
was confined which was held by the Communards, so 
Mr. Washburne was cut off from communication with 
the archbishop. On May 24, 1871, he was shot in the 
courtyard of the prison of La Roquette. A few days 
later, the government troops being in possession, Mr. 
Washburne went to see his cell, and then joined the great 
throng of people who visited his palace and viewed his 
body lying in state. On June 7, by special invitation 
he attended his funeral at Notre Dame. The whole 
incident made a deep impression on Mr. Washburne. 
His admiration for the archbishop arose from the high 
reputation he bore and his personal intercourse with him 
when stood face to face with an ignominious death. 
When Washburne was at home on leave of absence in the 
autumn of 1872 the Catholic Union (Circle of New York) 
addressed him a letter of thanks for what he had done for 
Archbishop Darboy in the course of which they said: 

“You beheld around you God’s temples desecrated, 
and the ministers of His holy religion hunted down like 
wild beasts, by an infuriated rabble. 

“Eminent among the victims was the venerable Arch- 
bishop of Paris. He was ‘sick and in prison,’ and, in 
obedience to the divine commandment, you visited him; 


260 Israel, Elihu and Cadwallader Washburn 


sympathized with him in his sufferings, consoled him in 
his affliction and distress, and endeavored, at no small 
risk to yourself, to save his precious life.”” Probably the 
thanks showered upon Mr. Washburne for his efforts 
to save Father Darboy were as highly prized by him as 
any he received in the course of his long career. 

In the middle of June, 1871, the German envoy to 
France arrived in Paris and Washburne surrendered his 
charge as German Minister, and in July he went back to 
Carlsbad to complete the cure which had been interrupted 
by the gravest crisis he had ever been called upon to deal 
with. 

Mr. Washburne performed the ordinary functions of a 
minister without fault. He did not favor a large salary 
nor a princely establishment. He wrote to a friend: 

‘Matters are well as they are. The salary is ample for 
all practical purposes, and ought not to be increased. If 
a man have a big fortune, and wants to make a splurge 
on his own account, he can do so. But if with little 
fortune, like myself, let him attend to the business with 
which his government has entrusted him, treat his com- 
patriots with invariable courtesy and politeness, protect 
them in all their rights, and there can be no reasonable 
grounds of complaint.” 

After the inauguration of President Hayes Mr. Wash- 
burne resigned his mission but actually served until the 
autumn of 1877, eight and a half years, longer than any 
American envoy has ever served in France. 

Of course Washburne’s services for Germany deserved 
recognition from that government. During the war with 
France he had corresponded as much with Prince Bis- 
marck as he had with Secretary Fish. A rumor was started 


Elihu Benjamin Washburne 261 


in Berlin that he was to have conferred on him the order 
of the Black Eagle and that the Emperor was selecting 
the precious stones which were to ornament the decora- 
tion. George Bancroft, the Minister at Berlin, reported 
the circumstance to Washburne in January, 1872, and 
Washburne replied promptly that he would accept no 
title or decoration and was amply repaid for his services 
by the thanks he had received. Bancroft said it was a 
good letter and he informed the German Foreign Office of 
its purport. But when Washburne was about to return 
to private life he consented to receive a testimonial of the 
obligation of the German government, expressing his 
preference for a portrait of the Emperor. The Emperor 
sat for the portrait and sent it to Mr. Washburne with 
this letter: 


To Mr. E. B. Washburne, till now Envoy Extraordinary, 
etc., of the United States to the French Republic. 


Beurath, Sept. 7, 1877. 

My dear Mr. Washburne: After you have been recalled 
from your post as Ambassador of the United States at 
Paris, and as you are about to return to your native country, 
I take occasion to renew my acknowledgments, already 
personally expressed, of the zeal and devotion with which 
you, under difficult circumstances, protected the German 
interests during the German-French war. As a testimony 
of my gratitude I send you herewith my portrait executed 
in oil. You will please to receive the same as a remembrance 
of the eventful times during which you have been in a 
position to render beneficial and efficient services to my 
Government, and at the same time as a sign of my regard 
and kind wishes with which I accompany your return to 
private life. I remain, my dear Mr. Washburne, your 

- affectionate—WILHELM. 


262 Israel, Elihu and Cadwallader Washburn 


This was sent to Mr. Washburne by the Chancellor 
Von Bulow. 
Foreign Office, Berlin, Sept. 8, 1877 
The undersigned discharges an agreeable duty in sending 
to the former Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Pleni- 
potentiary of the United States of America to the French 
Republic, Mr. E. B. Washburne, a letter of his Majesty the 
Emperor and King, our most gracious master, which has 
just been received from the imperial court at Castle 
Beurath, near Dusseldorf, and with which his Majesty has 
‘been pleased to send his portrait. Hoping that the por- 
trait, which has been sent to Bremen, may have come into 
the possession of Mr. Washburne, and that the inclosed 
most gracious letter may reach its destination before Mr. 
Washburne leaves the European Continent, the under- 
signed at the same time wishes Mr. Washburne a happy 
journey to his native land, and that after the full discharge 
of his arduous duties he may enjoy a long and blessed repose 
in his native country. With these wishes, in which all 
Germans, in grateful remembrance of the debt which they 
owe to Mr. Washburne, heartily unite, the undersigned 
begs Mr. Washburne again to receive the assurance of his 
high esteem. 
The Secretary of State of the Foreign Office. 
V. Bulow. 


More prized than either of these, however, was the 
letter Mr. Washburne had received from his own govern- 
ment. 


Your Government has sympathized deeply with you in 
the trials and privations and annoyances to which you were 
subjected during the long continued siege of the capital 
to which you were officially accredited, and where a high 
sense of duty, which is appreciated and commended, in- 
duced you to remain in the efficient and heroic discharge of 
the most difficult and delicate responsibilities that fall within 
the power of diplomatic service. The President recognizes 


Elihu Benjamin Washburne 263 


that your continuance within the besieged capital after the 
discretionary permission given you in my dispatch of the 
24th January last, has been from the promptings of your 
own conviction that the interests committed to you re- 
quired the very great sacrifice of comfort of the separation 
from your family, isolation from the intercourse of friends, 
personal discomforts, and risk of health and life. This 
sacrifice and these trials you have endured, and I desire 
officially to record the high appreciation and warm approval 
of your Government. You have done your duty faithfully 
and ably, and the President tenders you his thanks for the 
manner in which you have discharged the delicate duties 
devolving upon you, and have on all occasions maintained 
the dignity of your position and the rights of your Govern- 
ment. 


PRESIDENTIAL CANDIDACY OF GRANT AND 
WASHBURNE 


On November 22, 1875, the Post and Mail of Chicago 
published a notable article in which it was argued that 
Elihu Washburne was the most available candidate that 
the Republican party could nominate for the Presidency. 
The paper spoke of him as a friend of the farmers, as a 
friend of the Germans, as a man of long and tried expe- 
rience. Other Illinois papers joined the Post and Mail 
and he was formally presented as the favorite candidate 
of the West. These publications were a natural result 
of what many men were saying. He, himself, did not 
take the matter seriously. The Rock Island Union of 
January 11, 1876, quoted from a letter of his: “I am not 
vain enough,” he said, “‘to suppose that my name can 
ever figure seriously in that direction.... While I 
receive many letters of the same kind, I am so impressed 
with what I have written, that I decline all action in the 
way of candidature, and in the end, when the convention 
comes off and my name is never mentioned, you and other 
friends will say that I have been wise.’ To this his 
friends replied: ‘‘He does not know how, in the era of the - 
unmasking of extravagance and corruption, his career 
in Congress shines like an oasis in a desert.’ He was 
strong, they said, because he had “‘been out of the country 
and done nothing indiscreet.” Suggestions were made 
that he would make a good candidate for the Vice Pres- 
idency, with Blaine the candidate for President. It was 
brought out in his favor that he had been the first man in 
Congress to warn the people against the aggressions of the 

264 


Elihu Benjamin Washburne 265 


great railways. It was insisted that he was a granger in 
sentiment. His candidacy was favored by the reform 
element in the Republican party. An article on May 31, 
1876, in the Chicago Staats-Zeitung shows where much 
of his strength lay: 

“No German can or ever will forget that, at a time when 
all the other representatives of foreign nations fled from 
Paris in cowardly manner, Washburne remained at his 
post during the siege and the fighting to stand by the 
German citizens who had been confided to his protec- 
tion; that he brought himself frequently in conflict with 
the existing Powers in Paris on this account, and that the 
German Emperor and Parliament have expressed their 
thanks to him for this service in the heartiest and warmest 
words.”’ 

To nominate a man towards whom many thousands of 
voters felt as the former Germans felt towards Washburne 
would be a sensible thing to do. Outside of Illinois there 
was a leaning towards Washburne in many quarters. 
The Evening Express at Rochester, New York, put him 
next to Roscoe Conkling as its choice. All agreed in 
praising his integrity and rigid honesty in Congress. But 
there was yet another point in his favor; he was the friend 
of Grant; he had brought the conqueror upon the scene; 
- he had stood by him and saved him from his enemies in 
civil life; he had obtained for him his command and his 
honors. 

This year, 1876, a number of Illinois newspapers pro- 
posed that Mr. Washburne be made the governor of 
Illinois. Shelby M. Cullom and John L. Beveridge were 
the candidates, but Washburne was stronger than either 
of them. It is highly probable that if he had sanctioned 
it he would have been nominated; but he telegraphed his 


266 Israel, Elihu and Cadwallader Washburn 


friend, J. Russell Jones, collector of customs at the port 
of Chicago, that he would “decline absolutely” the nom- 
ination. The reason for declining was that his nomina- 
tion would have been effected only after a bitter struggle 
which he wished to avoid. Already one newspaper, the 
Aledo (Illinois) Record, had placed at the head of its 
editorial columns the words: “For President, 1876, 
Elihu B. Washburne of Illinois.”” No one surveyed the 
field of presidential candidates without seeing his figure. 
The Anglo-American Times in London under date of 
February 4, 1876, put the leaders with reference to the 
probability of nomination in this order: Blaine, Bristow, 
Washburne, Morton, Fish and Hayes. Calculators who 
had no personal bias narrowed the contest to Hayes, 
Bristow and Washburne. Voices in Washburne’s favor 
were heard as far west as California. A point urged by 
some of his admirers was that his friendship for General 
Grant made it probable that Grant would like to see him 
nominated. If such was the case, however, no direct 
sign to that effect came from Grant. The feeling grew 
within the party that he would combine its strength and 
smooth its dissensions. His New England birth predis- 
posed New England for him. Governor Rice of Mas- 
sachusetts, as late as May 25, 1876 (New York Herald, 
May 26) said he should be nominated and spoke of him 
as the original reformer. Those who favored Bristow 
were believed to be for Washburne as their second choice. 
The Paris and English papers always found him on the 
lists sent to them by their correspondents in America. 
The New York Herald worked for him steadily. Charles 
Francis Adams, an Independent, himself proposed as an 
Independent candidate, said Washburne was “a kind of 
Lincoln,” and added: ‘‘More than that he is firmer and 


Elihu Benjamin Washburne 267 


more settled in purpose than Lincoln. I am not intimate 
with Mr. Washburne. I met him personally two or three 
times in Paris and was in Congress with him some fifteen 
years ago, so that I know him tolerably well, and regard 
him very favorably.” 

The event showed that Washburne had been wise to 
treat his candidacy as improbable. His name was men- 
tioned by the members of the convention but was not 
formally placed before it and he received no votes. 

Almost immediately after the nomination of 1876 had 
been made the movement for his nomination in 1880 
began. The same arguments were brought forward, one 
of the strongest being that he was the “constant and un- 
sparing foe of corporations and especially of the land grant 
railroads.” | 

In 1877 what appeared to be a favorable opportunity 
for advancing his political fortunes arose in the contest 
over the election of a senator from Illinois. The legisla- 
ture stood one hundred Republican members, ninety- 
nine Democrats and five Independents. It was plain 
that no Republican could be chosen unless he received 
a few Democratic votes. The Republican candidate 
was General John A. Logan and for him no Democrat 
would vote. An agreement was reached by certain 
Republicans and Democrats that they would vote for 
Washburne, if Logan would allow the Republicans to do 
so, but Logan refused.!. The result was that David 
Davis, an Independent, was elected. 

Before the sentiment in the Republican party had had 
opportunity to form definitely with reference to a candi- 
date for the Presidency General Grant returned to Amer- 
ica after his trip around the world. No American had 


1 James L. D. Morrison in the St. Louis Globe Democrat, January, 1879. 


268 Israel, Elihu and Cadwallader Washburn 


been as much honored as he had been. He was the em- 
bodiment of the international prestige which had come 
to the country in consequence of the success of the Union 
cause in the Civil War. His friends, who were opposed to 
Blaine for one reason or another, thought that it would 
now be an easy task to put General Grant back in the 
Presidency and restore their own influence and power. It 
does not appear that Washburne was one of the “original 
Grant men” and he was not an anti-Blaine man. He had 
been out of the country during the whole of Grant’s 
administration, when the circle of men who enjoyed his 
confidence and profited by it had formed around him. 
He had kept himself informed of the moves which were 
being made in the game of politics but he was not in the 
game itself. He was never enthusiastic over the Grant 
candidacy. He sawits weak points clearly. It was largely 
an artificial “boom” manufactured and launched by 
powerful party leaders who were thinking of themselves, 
the advantages they would derive from Grant’s return to 
power and their enmities towards Blaine; for unless 
Blaine’s enemies should agree upon a candidate Blaine’s 
nomination was probable and they could expect no 
countenance from him. They were not thinking of the 
effect that a disputed candidacy and possible defeat 
would have on Grant’s reputation. There was a con- 
siderable amount of popular support to his candidacy, 
however. General Grant continued to stand well with a 
great many people who overlooked the scandals of his 
administration because of his services in the field. But 
there were others who did not overlook the scandals, and 
the reformers were many. There was a still larger ele- 
ment composed of people who regarded the idea of a 
President serving for three terms with serious apprehen- 


Elihu Benjamin Washburne 269 


sion. They thought it a menace to our form of govern- 
ment. 

As'soon as Grant’s candidacy was announced Wash- 
burne gave his adherence to it. As Grant’s best friend 
there was nothing else for him to do. To all suggestions 
that he should avow himself a candidate he replied with a 
firm refusal. In fact, an avowed candidacy on his part 
would have failed, for all other elements would have 
combined against him in Illinois and the state was more 
strongly for Grant than it was for anyone else and next 
to Grant was for Blaine. If Washburne was to be nomi- 
nated at all it must be as a “dark horse.” One of General 
Grant’s friends, an enemy of Blaine, who was as much 
responsible as anyone else for Grant’s candidacy and who 
was determined to carry it through by easy or rough 
methods, was General John A. Logan, now a senator, 
wielding much power in Illinois politics and ambitious 
to wield more. The following extracts of letters from 
him to Washburne show something of the methods of the 
Grant campaign and the suspicion which arose in Logan’s 
mind and doubtless in the minds of others that Washburne 
was not as heartily engaged in furthering Grant’s interests 
as he might have been. 


Washington, Dec. 18, 1879 

Of course you have seen the result of the action of the 
National Rep. Com. on the chairman; it was a square 
fight against Cameron because he was a Grant man, but 
I write for another purpose, that is to give you a point that 
must be looked to very soon. There is work, very active, 
commenced here within a clique who are working up 
Sherman and the program is to have as many Sherman 
papers as possible come out against Grant or take the 
stand that they will not support him. Schurz is the medium 
for that work. Sherman pretends to like Grant but he is 


270 


Israel, Elihu and Cadwallader Washburn 


cold and subtle. He goes to Philadelphia to the reception 
and some people here say that the Grant people of Phil- 
adelphia are somewhat inclined to S. I give you all the 
points, and the Chicago German papers ought to come out 
and say that they will support G. if nominated and it 
ought to be translated and published in the English papers. 


Washington, Jany. 15, ’80 

I had a talk today with ‘Don’? Cameron; he says the 
Penn. convention will instruct for Grant. The whole 
talk here among all the small fry and scribblers is that the 
“boom” is dying out. This is kept up persistently, and 
the Bureau of Correspondence is kept hot sending out 
squibs south and east for Blaine, or Sherman, and also a 
story is being quietly circulated that some of the Chicago 
people are preparing to back down at the proper time for 
then i. 

I understand Snider is not quite enthusiastic for G. and 
has made some suggestions on the subject, by way of 
substituting another name. This is very foolish talk, as 
any idea that G. was being used to work up matters for 
anyone else would end his prospects everywhere. .. . 


Washington, Jany. 18, ’80 
There seems to be such a great desire to have some one 
of the various Ills. men now in the Treasury Dept. nom- 
inated for Gov. that it looks like there may be some under- 
ground work in the direction of delegates to the Natl. 
Convention. The Treasury Dept. is now commencing to 
move in much earnest and all the power of patronage and 
everything else will be used. I see quite a number of papers 

are speaking of you for Governor. How is it? 
Your friend. 


Washington, Jany. 21, 1880 
You ask me about the statement that the “boom” is 
increasing. I can see no difference here, except that the 
enemies are at work and raising every means possible to 
get things in mixed shape... . 


Elihu Benjamin Washburne | 271 


The papers in Penn. are now using the Chicago stories 
about your candidacy to some effect as I am told, that is to 
say that Grant is merely covering you as a candidate, of 
course I understand that this is being done by G’s enemies, 
but some of the Chicago fiends give some ground for the 
story. I send you inclosed a copy of part of a letter con- 
taining a conversation with one of your friends and I am 
told that W. H. S. is writing a great deal on this subject, 
to his master and co. “Sam” Medill is here and has talked 
considerable. I understand he is against Grant and says 
that the “Concern” is not for Grant but for Blaine, but 
that Ills. is not to support Grant but to give you the 
delegation. Of course I have not seen him, as the Medill 
family do not “hanker” after me... . 

Before our last Convention some of your friends in 
Chicago wanted you to be a candidate for Gov. but they 
told others that they thought were with them in this 
move that you could be nominated for Gov. and have the 
delegation also to the National Convention, and if nom- 
inated all right, if not, then be elected Gov. and then go to 
the Senate. This of course you knew nothing about, but 
it was too large a mouthful, and provoked opposition at 
once. All whose scalp was under the knife came together 
in solid opposition. I would then have been glad to have 
seen you Gov. and told one of your friends, or was willing 
that you should have the delegation to the Natl. Conven- 
tion, but I saw my own head under the axe, which was not 
so pleasant and so it was with others. 

Now some of the same men are talking in the same foolish 
manner; seem to be trying to travel over the same road. 
This cannot be accomplished as you well know, and shall 
not be attempted. If you wish to run for Gov. or in other 
words if you are willing to be run for Gov., that is one thing, 
and might be successful, but the two could not go together 
in my district. Grant for Pres. and yourself for Gov. 
might help both along with a certain element, but the 
moment you are by your friends put forward for Pres., un- 
less G. had positively declined it, leaves you both out, and 
we are all defeated. Let this once be believed, and Blaine 


272 


Israel, Elihu and Cadwallader Washburn 


will be nominated without much of an effort. Men will not 
be guided by reason, but will, in such a case, act from a 
different cause—disappointment and anger at being de- 
ceived. 

The fight in Penn. is waxing hot, but Cameron says 
he will carry instructions for Grant. It is not long however 
to wait for the result, and I hope all will come out as we 
want it, and it will, unless some of our own “‘fool friends” 
SHOU! tee 

Washington, Feby. 22, 1880 

Now my dear friend, we must win this fight. Grant 
must not let us drop after staking our future on him. I[ 
would have been willing to support others, he out of the 
way, to beat this crowd of jobbers and gamblers in N. Y. 
that are backing Blaine, but it is too late; it is now Grant 
or Blaine, no one else will be thought of in two weeks more, 
as you will see. You have a great many friends all over 
the West and Fast, and you will pardon me for suggesting 
it, but I am of the opinion that should you write a good 
strong letter giving reasons for Grant’s nomination, and 
make it public, it would do great good just at this time. 
I am in favor of using all the ammunition we have on this 
occasion, as this is our fight and our time to win. Sucha 
thing will bring back many in your old district as well as 
elsewhere, and would do more to stop this German clamor 
than anything else. With Sherman’s pretensions, and 
Blaine’s impudence, with Gould and all his R. R. influence, 
in Kansas, Nebraska and Iowa, we have work and much 
work before us. A great many honest republicans are 
covertly for you. However they fight Grant thinking him 
out of the way, you would come in, and in this way they 
become antagonistic to Grant. Others are duped into the 
idea by the Tribune that you would perhaps be willing to 
be a tail to Blaine’s kite, by being V. P. They argue this 
would give Ills. a candidate and make a very strong ticket. 
They start on this line and grow against Grant as things 
proceed with their accounts to others. I have had several 
letters on this line, all of which I have answered that we 
do not want any tailsin Ills. Wewant first or nothing. ... 


Elihu Benjamin Washburne 273 


Washington, Mar. 31, ’80 

The Kane Co. Convention was 8 G., 6 Blaine. Farwell 
intends to bring up enough in Chicago to make some divi- 
sion in our delegation, we must bring Ills. solid, and that 
will settle the matter. 

As the matter stands now, if Grant should weaken, 
Blaine would be nominated, and he would put power as 
much as possible in the hands of Farwell and co. in Ills. 

I hope you will return home with Grant, let him go 
from Cairo to Chicago, and then home—let the people 
know along the line and stop only a short time at each 
station. Let him bow and shake hands with a few, and 
let the boys whoop a few times and all will be right, if 
some sharp fellow would come to Cairo and go up with 
WOU s. ys 

Your friend. 


sayy (Undated) 

Your old district in many parts of it is out loud for 
Blaine. Mr. Carrol, I understand, is against Grant. I 
see Hawks letter from them saying so. If we are to have 
Ills. anyways solid, we must go to work and those that you 
can have influence with must go to work.... The 
constant row on me in the Tribune and Times about my 
wanting to pack the delegation is making all the Elements 
combine to have the delegation against us, all the office 
holders in Chicago except the P. O. is into it. Jim Root is 
here to fix up with B’s friends about the patronage. If 
they carry Ills. Farwell, Root, Charley Reed and Co. are 
to carry and put up Chicago in the Convention, and are to 
commence getting up Blaine Clubs at once. You may think 
that I am alarmed, but I tell you there will have to be plain 
straightforward work from this on, or B’s friends will get 
part of our delegation, and perhaps prevent instructions. 
This in Ills. would be fatal. Look the ground over, and 
write me. Old Bross of Tribune is here running Blaine 
and Washburne and many readily fall into it. This will 
carry many of your friends in Ills. over to B. not thinking 
of the design of the matter. 


274 Israel, Elihu and Cadwallader Washburn 


I am sick of this infernal duplicity of the papers in 
Chicago. 
Write me 
Your Friend. 


Logan quotes somebody unnamed: 

He stated, “It is clear that Grant can not get the 
nomination; now Washburne and Logan can make the 
next nomination and save the party. If Logan will help 
give this State to Washburne, he, Washburne, can be 
nominated. Washburne must see Logan and his friends 
and fix up with them. That the programme was for 
Washburne to run for Governor, that is for the nomina- 
tion for Governor, and then he would be in a position 
for President and the State Central Committee could 
select another man for Governor.” 


Washington, April 4, ’80 

Since writing you the other day, I have recd. some 
news from our state that is very strange. Knox Co. and 
Champlain have held conventions, and altho the conven- 
tions were seemingly Grant, they have appointed Blaine 
delegates. Hurlburt and other of Bs. paid emissaries are 
traveling all over the state setting up conventions. ‘This is 
being done by sending delegates professedly Grant until 
appointed—I also learn that Carroll, Whiteside Lee and 
perhaps Stephenson are likely to be Blaine. No man can 
correct this in those counties unless you can do it. 

Can you not write your friends there and ask them to 
work? I hope you are in health and that you can return 
soon and set some of your friends in Chicago to work. The 
Boom is running wrong just now, and it must be counter- 
acted some way. I can not be at home or I think I could 
head it off, but were I to go home it would be a text for all 
the opposition. G. ought to be in Ills. very soon. If we 
should be divided in Ills. I fear the result. This is the game 
now. 


Elihu Benjamin Washburne 275 


The dirtiest race that can be conceived is now being 
made on Grant. 


Washington, May 7, 1880 

I fwnite merely to say to you in the most emphatic 
manner, that the article from Chicago, in the Globe 
Democrat, reflecting on yourself with others, and especially 
making me out a fool, tho pretending to praise me, was in 
no sense inspired, or known to myself or any one connected 
with the Grant Headquarters here, we all felt indignant at 
the article, and regarded it as having been inspired by some 
enemy of all parties mentioned in it. 

I must emphatically repudiate the whole article, as 
the work of no friend of any of us, however he may pretend. 


Your Friend. 


The star of the piece has no part in all these preliminary 
arrangements behind the scenes, but Washburne, of 
course, as his most trusted friend, knew his position. 
General Grant wrote to him February 2, 1880, from 
Havana. “On that subject, (candidacy for the Pres- 
idency) I stand just as I told youin Chicago. I shall not 
gratify my enemies by declining what has not been offered. 
I am not a candidate for anything, but if the Chicago 
convention nominates a candidate who can be elected 
it will gratify me, and the gratification will be greater if 
it should be some one other than myself.” 

It was plain that he would accept the nomination. 

He wrote to Washburne from Galveston March 25, 
1880: 

“Tn regard to your suggestion that I should authorize 
some one to say that in no event would I consent to ever 
being a candidate after 1880 I think any statement from 
me would be misconstrued and would only serve as a 
handle for my enemies. Such a statement might well 
be made after nomination if I am nominated in such a 


276 Israel, Elihu and Cadwallader Washburn 


way as to accept. . . . There are many persons I would 
prefer should have the office to myself.” 

In the Washburne papers is a rough draft of the state- 
ment which Washburne had in mind as proper for General 
Grant to make to him: 


“Tt could be properly said that you have seen in the 
press of the United States the progress of the campaign 
which seems to have been opened for the Republican 
nomination for President and had observed that your 
name has been used, and that in Penn. the delegates had 
been instructed to support you. It might be added that 
I am aware of the position which you have always held 
in relation to the subject and that you have in no wise 
changed that position, that you have never, directly or 
indirectly, had part nor lot in any movement tending 
towards your nomination by the Republican party. . Noth- 
ing could be more admirable than what you say in your 
letter to me: That all your interest centres in this, that 
the Government should remain in the hands of those who 
saved it until all the questions growing out of the war are 
forever settled—that you would much prefer to see many 
whom you can mention President, for the coming term, 
than to be President yourself, that no one knows better 
than I that you have never sought position for yourself, 
either in the military or civil service, and were never a 
candidate for anything. If the Chicago Convention shall 
nominate a candidate, as it unquestionably will, who can 
be elected, it would be far more gratifying to you, than 
if the nomination should fall upon yourself. And I should 
also add, that whatever services you may have been able 
to render your country were not rendered in the hope of 
office but in vindication of a Holy’ cause, involving the 
Union, and the happiness, glory and prosperity of a great 
people for all time; that your services have received the 
highest reward which a free people could bestow, and that 
all suggestions that you are seeking anything more are 
unjust to yourself. 


Elihu Benjamin Washburne 277 


“Now as to the third term business, the most impor- 
tant of all, I hardly know how to properly reach it. But 
I venture to submit something like the following for your 
consideration: 

‘Much discussion is being had in our country in regard 
to what is called the “third term” and my candidacy in 
connection therewith. That is also unjust as J have never 
been a candidate for any term. But I cannot misap- 
prehend what it is endeavored to be made understood, 
that after a President has served for two terms, and though 
the preceding term should be filled by another person, 
if the preceding President, who had served two terms, 
should then again become a candidate, it would be for a 
third term, the same as it would have been if he had been 
elected three consecutive times. This view of the question 
seems not to have taken into account that the outgoing 
President stands in the position of every other citizen, 
who is out of office with no patronage to bestow, without 
power and no influence to exercise.’ 

“You may have seen the views I expressed on the third 
term question in a letter addressed to Genl. White of Pa. 
in May, 1875. I could never see the dangers of a third 
term so vividly depicted by many good citizens and pa- 
triotic men. I said that ‘the idea that any man could 
re-elect himself President or even re-nominate himself is 
preposterous. It is a reflection upon the intelligence and 
patriotism to suppose such a thing possible.’ But what- 
ever may be the argument or the reason on the subject of 
a third consecutive term, the disposition of the people is 
to hold to the example of Washington and the traditions 
of the Country. There might be a fear, nevertheless, that 
by being too long in power and so strengthening himself 
by the use of the vast patronage of the Government, 
and controlling political organizations, a President might 
perpetuate himself in office. While such a state of things 
might seem impossible in a country so free, enlightened 
and intelligent as ours, such a sentiment, inspired by a 
feeling of true patriotism, wants to be heeded. And 
if in the future of our country it should so happen, as it 


278 Israel, Elihu and Cadwallader Washburn 


probably never will, that after a man had twice served as 
President and should after the intervention of one term, be 
elected a third time, he should in deference to a sentiment 
of the people inspired by a feeling of true patriotism, have 
it understood that he would under no circumstances or con- 
ditions whatever be a candidate for re-election,” 


As the weeks passed on and the time for the convention 
grew nearer Washburne’s position became very embarrass- 
ing. He had given his adhesion to the movement to 
nominate Grant, and he had absolutely refused to become 
a candidate himself. He became convinced, however, 
that the anti-third term sentiment was so strong that 
Grant’s nomination could only be accomplished, if at all, 
after bitter struggle. The opposition was strong among 
his own friends and especially among his ever-faithful 
voters of German birth. It was a sentiment over which 
he had no control whatsoever. He did not falter in his 
own refusal to be a candidate. When a Washburne club 
was organized at Mt. Carroll, Illinois, in March, 1880, 
to advance his candidacy he sent word to the members that 
it must disband,—that he was for Grant. He met all 
other overtures with the same declaration. Preliminary 
to the national convention at Chicago was the state con- 
vention at Springfield on May 1g to choose delegates to 
the national convention. General Logan and several 
lesser lights led the Grant forces and the fight between 
them and the followers of Blaine was savage. It had 
been the custom up to that time for the delegates to the 
state convention from each congressional district to 
choose the delegates to the national convention. Several 
districts in Illinois being opposed to Grant, this meant 
that the Illinois delegation would not be a unit for Grant. 
So the convention changed the method of choosing the 


Elihu Benjamin Washburne 279 


delegates and they were named by a committee appointed 
by the chairman of the convention. Thus Grant delegates 
were named to represent anti-Grant districts. When the 
national convention met, an appeal from this action of the 
state convention was made and the system of election of 
delegates by the districts was upheld. The contestants 
from Illinois were seated. General Logan and his fol- 
lowers found themselves less powerful at Chicago than 
they had been at Springfield. The Illinois delegation was 
not a unit for General Grant. 

_ Five years after the convention the Illinois Staats- 
Zeitung (March 2, 1886) through Herman Raster gave 
this account of the Washburne candidacy. It 1s correct, 
except that it gives to the former Germans the whole 
responsibility for the candidacy, whereas in reality it came 
from many other sources as well. 


“GRANT AND WASHBURNE 


“Adam Badeau, formerly body-servant and body- 
scribe of Gen. Grant, has recently published reminiscences 
wherein he speaks of the year 1880 and, in connection 
therewith, of the fact that Elihu B. Washburne had been 
urged as presidential candidate by Republicans who 
regarded a third term of Grant as imprudent and in- 
admissible. We learn on this occasion from Badeau that 
Grant never forgave any one who he thought betrayed him 
at that time, and that he never afterward spoke except 
with bitterness of his life-long friend Washburne who he 
believed—I know not how rightly—played him false. . . . 

“The truth of the matter is—and in this we call the 
entire German-American press to witness—that Wash- 
burne’s candidacy in 1880 emanated solely and entirely 
from German (not exclusively Republican) papers; that 


280 Israel, Elihu and Cadwallader Washburn 


the doom for Washburne had been under full headway in 
German (Republican and Independent papers) six months 
before the Evening Fournal (Shuman) even thought of it 
and that the Evening ‘fournal entered into it, like the 
laborers into the vineyard of the Lord, at the eleventh 
hour. The Chicago elections to the Republican State 
Convention were, within four days, turned into a brilliant 
triumph for Washburne but zot through the Evening 
Fournal or through Andrew Shuman who now claims the 
credit for it. 

“Under different circumstances it might be quite in- 
teresting to recall the memory of those proceedings at 
Springfield when the late Gen. Logan achieved his greatest 
victory, only to suffer two weeks later in the National 
Convention of the Republican party an ignominious 
defeat. But let us pass that. Logan’s grave is yet too 
fresh and those against whom the Politician Logan was 
then in bitter feud have too good a memory of the man 
Logan to re-vamp now those old stories. Enough—he 
failed in his effort to make his friend Grant President for 
a third time. And he failed because those who preferred 
Washburne had succeeded in breaking down the unit- 
rule, i. e. the usage that the majority of the representatives 
of a State should cast the vote of a// representatives of the 
State. 

“When that was done Elihu B. Washburne, as sure as 
twice two is four, would have become President in place of 
Garfield if—he had held his tongue, 7.¢. if he had not on 
every proper and improper occasion, by speech and writ- 
ing, declared that Grant was his candidate first and last. 
But that, unfortunately, he did. Like a true Eckardt he 
remained to the last faithful to his ‘friend’ Grant and 
thereby the chance to make him President was lost. For, 


Elihu Benjamin Washburne 281. 


when the National Convention had been in session five 
days and was tired out, he who would first attain fifty 
votes was sure to be nominated. These fifty votes Garfield 
got and that settled it, but Washburne would have had 
more than fifty (he reached 44) if every solicitation for a 
vote in his favor had not been met with the reply: Why 
should I vote for that man who declares that Grant is his 
only candidate? 

“In that way Garfield (having the first 50 votes, af- 
terwards everything was done by whoop and shout) was 
nominated and elected after Elihu B. Washburne, shrough 
exaggerated friendship for Grant, had committed harikari 
i.e. political suicide. Washburne would have been 
President of the United States from March 4, 1881 to 
March 4, 1885 if Grant had been just as honest, just as 
sincere a friend to him as he was to Grant. 

“That is the darkest spot in Grant’s life. Grant had 
a thousand good qualities of head and heart, among them 
gratitude for unworthy frauds and nobodies whose char- 
acter he had not enough knowledge of human nature to 
discern. But the ability to understand in 1880 that it was 
his duty for once to help his true, real and genuine friend, 
Washburne, with the same loyalty and sincerity with 
which Washburne had helped him, that ability he did, 
unfortunately, not possess. 

“The body-scribes left by him may say and write 
what they like, it remains nevertheless true (and, as said 
before, it is a very dark spot in the life of Grant) that in 
1880 he was a bad friend of his friend Washburne, of the 
same friend who, (foolishly enough) sacrificed himself for 
a man who never was able to appreciate the sacrifice.” 

One thing, however, must be said in extenuation for 
General Grant: in his letters to Washburne before the 


282 Israel, Elihu and Cadwallader Washburn 


convention, while he said that there were several men 
whom he would rather see nominated than himself, he 
never said that Washburne was one of them. It cannot 
be charged that he ever led Washburne to believe that 
he would throw his strength to him. But, for the matter 
of that, there was no question of his throwing his strength 
to anybody, for his strength was managed for him without 
any consultation with him. It was Logan, Conkling and 
others who had proposed his candidacy, who had per- 
suaded him that his nomination would be easily effected, 
who had taken possession of him body and soul. During 
the sitting of the convention he was at his house at 
Galena. He was notified by his friends at the convention 
that he would be nominated at one o’clock on the after- 
noon of June 8, but at that hour he received word that 
General Garfield had been nominated. He was deeply 
disappointed. The whole story was told in the remark 
he made to his neighbor, General Rowley, the next day— 
that his friends had not treated him fairly. “They 
assured me,” he said, “‘that there would be no serious 
opposition to me in the convention. I could not afford 
to go before that convention and be defeated,” and so he 
visited his displeasure upon Washburne who had not 
urged him to be a candidate, whose advice with reference 
to an announcement that he would never be a candidate 
again he had refused to follow, who had realized the 
strength of the opposition to him and who had, neverthe- 
less, stood by him when he knew that he was standing by 
defeat. Forty votes were cast for Washburne in the 
convention in spite of his own repeated declaration that 
he was not a candidate. They were cast by anti-Grant 
men and Washburne had no control over them or over 
the constituencies which they represented. 


Elihu Benjamin Washburne 283 


General Grant and Elihu Washburne never met again 
after the Chicago convention of 1880. The very name of 
each was hateful to the ears of the other. In February, 
1885, when General Grant was lying so ill in New York 
City that it was believed his death was near, Washburne 
went to that city. The newspapers announced his arrival 
and Grant knew he was there, but he sent no invitation 
to his old friend to come to see him. 


HISTORICAL WRITINGS 


The retired statesman did not have anything that he 
must do. Politics furnished him with much to think 
about but did not fill his time. Abraham Lincoln once 
wrote to him that he should write ten letters to Lincoln’s 
one, because he wrote ten times as fast as Lincoln did. 
It was true that he wrote rapidly and easily and his pen 
was a busy one, although it was often a careless one. 
After the war in Europe he had much leisure and he 
employed it in studying and writing. It was then that 
he composed his lectures on the French Revolution and 
the Siege and Commune of Paris. These he delivered, 
chiefly in the winter of 1878-79, by invitation in many 
places,—in Toronto, San Antonio, Boston, New Bedford, 
Philadelphia, San Francisco and other cities. He made 
original research in the Archives of Paris and gathered the 
material concerning Thomas Paine which appeared in 
Scribners’ magazine under the title ““Thomas Paine and 
the French Revolution.” Later it was printed separately. 
From the standpoint of national American history this 
was the most valuable of his writings. In the same 
magazine appeared his “Reminiscences of Thiers,” an in- 
teresting account of his intercourse with that statesman 
and a graphic description of the sitting of the Corps 
Legislatif August 9, 1870, when the ministry which had 
carried the country into the war went down. The 
article has the freshness and vividness of a picture from 
life written by one who was steeped in his subject. Fol- 
lowing these came his series of articles in Scribners’ run- 

284 


Elihu Benjamin Washburne 285 


ning in the issues for January, February, March and April 
of 1887. These were entitled: ““The Downfall of the Em- 
pire,” “The Siege,” ““The Commune” and “ The Down- 
fall of the Commune.” They appeared with additions in 
his two volume work Recollections of a Minister to France 
1809-1877, published by Scribners’ in 1887. He had seen 
the book through the press and the handsome volumes 
were in his hands, but he died before they had really 
circulated. This was the most important of Washburne’s 
publications and holds permanent rank in the literature 
of the Franco-German War and the Commune of Paris. 
It was written from his diaries, despatches and letters 
contemporaneous with the events described. Mr. Wash- 
burne also printed several letters and addresses written 
in consequence of his European experiences, notably his 
efforts in behalf of Archbishop Darboy, and in 1878 the 
government published in separate form his despatches 
to his government on the subject of the war and the com- 
mune. These despatches were well written, and have 
been accepted as part of the history of that period. They 
were republished in 1905 in St. Louis, under the title 
America’s Aid to Germany in 1870-71; An Abstract from 
the Official Correspondence of E. B. Washburne, the English 
text being accompanied by a German translation and the 
whole with a preface by Adolph Hefner. The speech on 
Abraham Lincoln delivered in 1860 and then distributed 
was reprinted in 191§ in Tarrytown. Mr. Washburne 
contributed the article on Illinois for the gth edition of the 
Encyclopedia Britannica. It was an admirable presenta- 
tion of the history and resources of the state, and well de- 
served the separate publication which it received in 
Philadelphia in 1881. Mr. Washburne’s historical sketch 
of Edward Coles, a governor of Illinois, published in 


286 Israel, Elihu and Cadwallader Washburn 


Chicago in 1882 under the auspices of the Chicago 
Historical Society ranks very high. He was attracted to 
Coles’ career especially because he was an Emancipationist 
and had prevented the introduction of slavery in Illinois. 
In 1884 appeared in Chicago The Edwards Papers, being 
a portion of the collection of letters, papers and man- 
uscripts of Ninian Edwards, presented to the Chicago 
Historical Society, October 16, 1883, by his son William 
Wirt Edwards, edited by Elihu B. Washburne, an histor- 
ical contribution of solid value. He also edited in 1882 
(Chicago) the History of the English settlement in Edwards 
County, Illinois, by Morris Berbeck and George Flower. 

His further contributions to western history were: 
In 1884, Chicago, his eulogy delivered before the Chicago 
Historical Society on Isaac N. Arnold. He and Arnold 
had been colleagues in the House of Representatives from 
1861 to 1865, both were of New England revolutionary 
stock, both had been friends of Lincoln, both had worked 
to build up the Chicago Historical Society. Mr. Wash- 
burne’s eulogy was one of his best sketches and is a 
good example of the literature of eulogy. Washburne’s 
experiences with Lincoln took the shape of two excellent 
articles in the North American Review for November, 1885, 
under the title ‘Lincoln in Illinois,” in which he told of 
Lincoln’s early career in Illinois and his own experiences 
with him there and when he arrived in Washington to be 
inaugurated as President. 

While he was in Europe in 1875, he printed at Galena 
his Historical Sketch of Charles S. Hempstead to which is 
appended a Memoir of Edward Hempstead, First Delegate 
to Congress from the Western side of the Mississippi River, 
Representing Missouri Territory from r&ri-r4 by Hon. 
Thomas H. Benton. It was in the form of a letter from 


Elihu Benjamin Washburne 287 


Washburne to Captain Daniel Smith Harris, president 
of the Early Settlers Association at Galena. The occasion 
for the letter was the death of Edward Hempstead on 
December 10, 1874. Beside the sketches of the Hemp- 
steads there were interesting reminiscences by Washburne 
of the lawyers of Galena. In 1881 (Jefferson City, Mo.) 
was published the address on Edward Hempstead. He de- 
livered it before the legislature of Missouri when he pre- 
sented Hempstead’s portrait acting for Hempstead’s 
nephew Edward Hempstead of Chicago. The address 
followed lines similar to those of the previous publication 
and quoted liberally from Benton’s sketch. In 1884 
(Chicago) was published Henry Gratiot a Pioneer of 
Wisconsin; an address on the occasion of the Presentation 
of his portrait to the State Historical Society of Wisconsin 
Delivered before the Society at Madison, Wis., Thursday 
evening, Nov. 137, 7584. Of his historical publications 
relating to his wife’s relatives this was the best, having 
been carefully prepared and showing familiarity with his 
subject. The portrait, it should be remarked, was given 
to the society by Mrs. Washburne. 

In 1885 (Chicago) his address at the dedicatory exercises 
of the Washburne Memorial Library at Livermore was 
printed. It was in large manner a family history for it 
dealt with the history of the town of Livermore, the 
founder, Deacon Elijah Livermore, and the Hamlins, 
Washburns, Benjamins, all of whom were more or less 
closely related to him. His family publications have, of 
course, a local interest chiefly, but they are all creditable 
works and show an amiable and attractive side of Wash- 
burne’s character. 

Mr. Washburne’s writings about members of his own 
and his wife’s family began at an early period. He printed 


288 Israel, Elihu and Cadwallader Washburn 


a letter to Governor Emory Washburne under date of 
June 24, 1859, in which he gave the lineage of the Wash- 
burns from 1631. About this time he printed (Washing- 
ton, Buell and Blanchard) a Brief Notice of Lieutenant 
Samuel Benjamin, an officer of the Revolutionary War, with 
extracts from a Diary kept by him during the War, Lieuten- 
ant Benjamin having been his mother’s father. Thus his 
writings fall into three catalogues,—those relating to his 
own and his wife’s ancestors, those relating to Illinois 
history, and those relating to his diplomatic experiences. 
Of these the last named are the most valuable but the other 
two have high value also. He contributed from time to 
time fugitive pieces to the newspapers,—notably to. the 
Galena Gazette, but they have not been identified. They 
served their purpose for a day and he made no effort to 
preserve them. 

The interest which he took in Illinois history at- 
tracted Washburne to the Chicago Historical Society, and 
he took an active part in its affairs. He contemplated 
making it the permanent depository of his valuable collec- 
tion of books, papers, and pictures. The papers were his 
correspondence during his eventful career at home and 
abroad, which he partially arranged during the last ten 
years of his life; and his pictures were those of famous 
European characters and had been acquired by him from 
time to time, many of them as gifts from the originals. 
He hesitated, however, to turn his collection over to the 
society because it had not built a fireproof building but he 
confidently expected to make a permanent disposition 
of it for the benefit of the public before he died. He failed 
to do so and by his will it went to his son Hempstead. 
His papers now constitute a monumental collection in the 
library of Congress at Washington. 


END OF LIFE 


When Washburne came back to America from his 
mission to France he was sixty-one years old. From the 
medicinal waters in Europe his health derived temporary 
benefit but there was no cure. Ripe age had made his 
appearance more impressive. The hair was still thick but 
almost white, the eyes glowed under heavy eyebrows 
which were white, the lines from the nose to the mouth 
were deeper. The straight, determined mouth was the 
same. In photographs it gives the impression of a mouth 
that has just spoken. There was no look of contemplative 
repose in the face and his movements were as quick as ever. 

He was now in private life after twenty-six years of 
uninterrupted public service. He settled in Chicago but 
did not resume the practice of the law. That profession 
he had, of course, completely abandoned when he went to 
Paris, but before that his practice had been intermittent. 
He had, at one time or another, made a good income from 
his law cases before the local courts and occasionally before 
the federal courts. He did a general law business but he 
was not connected with any cases which reached _his- 
torical proportions. In the House he had not been known 
as a lawyer member. He had not served on the Judiciary 
Committee and had not made lawyers’ arguments instead 
of political speeches as some of his colleagues did. In fact, 
Washburne the lawyer was only known to Galena. 

He had acquired an independent fortune. The severe 
poverty of his youth and early manhood had taught him 
lessons of thrift which he did not forget, and in the rapidly 

289 


290 = Israel, Elihu and Cadwallader Washburn 


growing Western country he availed himself of the oppor- 
tunities for profitable investments. Probably his income 
when he retired to private life was more than fourteen 
thousand dollars a year and less than eighteen thousand. 
He and his brothers and sisters were legatees of Cadwal- 
lader Washburn in 1882 and for the last five years of his 
life Elihu’s income was doubled. When he died he left 
an estate valued at about $850,000. 

He bought a handsome house at the corner of Dearborn 
Avenue and Maple Street on the north side in Chicago and 
henceforth it was his home, but like his other houses, it 
was rather his headquarters, a place to which he returned 
from time to time from his frequent journeys. His 
children were grown up and had settled in life. His 
eldest son, Hempstead, was a lawyer of high rank in Chi- 
cago. His father saw him elected city attorney, and 
fairly started on the career which carried him into the 
high office of mayor of Chicago. His daughters were 
happily married, one in Bridgeport, the other in Denver. 
After his wife’s death he gave up the Dearborn Avenue 
house and lived the last seven months of his life with his 
son, Hempstead. 

During the trying days in Paris, Mr. Washburne was 
frequently ill. In December, 1870, he had a severe attack 
of the grippe, in February, 1871, he was ill again. The 
intervals of good health were never long. 

Soon after his return from France, in May, 1878, he 
went to the Hot Springs of Arkansas in search of health 
and then on to the Pacific Coast. In November of the 
same year he was obliged to postpone an engagement to 
lecture at Toronto, because he was seriously ill. The 
following year, 1879, he tried the climate of southern 
Texas and Mexico. 


Elihu Benjamin Washburne 2gI 


In 1879 his brother, Algernon Sidney Washburn, died 
at Hallowell. There was no one to whom he felt under 
greater obligation. Sidney had remained in Maine and 
had made an honorable if inconspicuous career for him- 
self as a banker. When Elihu made his will he left a sum 
to be expended for gold watches for each of Sidney’s sons, 
“in remembrance,” he said, “‘of all their father’s un- 
bounded kindness to me in my younger days.”’ 

In 1882 Cadwallader Washburn was taken sick, and it 
was apparent that his days were numbered. In the spring 
of that year he went to the Eureka Springs in Arkansas 
in the vain hope that the waters might benefit him. 
Thither the brothers Elihu and Israel repaired to bear 
him company in his sickness. On May 5, when his 
disease took a turn for the worse, Elihu wrote to his 
wife: “I am prostrated with grief and anxiety today.” 
Israel slept in the same room with Cadwallader to watch 
over him, and when Elihu entered the morning of the fifth 
the patient said, “I feel the end is near.” Later in the 
day his mind was clouded. He wanted to speak but could 
only say “I am going soon to die.”’ “‘My heart is heavier 
than I can express,” wrote the stricken brother, “but it 
seems now that we must soon confront an appalling 
affliction and that the inevitable hour must soon arrive 
and that a great light is soon to go out and that a great 
and noble heart will soon cease to beat. May God in his 
infinite mercy support and comfort us.” Cadwallader 
Washburn died on May 14. He had preceded Elihu to the 
West, he had advised his going to Galena, and they had 
supported each other through every vicissitude and success 
of life. Cadwallader was only two years younger than 
Elihu, and they had been companions, contemporaries 
and friends. The death of this younger brother not only 


292 8©=©Israel, Elihu and Cadwallader Washburn 


left a void in Elihu’s heart, but served to remind him that 
his own hold upon life was weakening. 

In the following year Israel Washburn died. Next to 
his father, Elihu honored him. The tribe was diminishing. 
On March 20, 1887, Mrs. Washburne died in Chicago. 
This supreme affliction left Elihu Washburne in a deplora- 
ble condition. He had no surcease from pain and weakness 
and mental distress. Seven months after his wife’s death 
he had an attack of congestion of the brain complicated 
with heart disease of long standing. On Saturday morn- 
ing, October 23, 1887, he rose feeling rather better than 
usual and had seated himself in his barber’s chair to be 
shaved when he was seized with a severe pain in the region 
of the heart. He was assisted to his bed where he lay 
speechless, but in a few hours he rallied. At four o’clock 
in the afternoon feeling stronger he left his bed to get a 
glass of water when he had another severe seizure, and 
died a few minutes afterwards without speaking. 

As his will was made April 16, only eight months be- 
fore his death, it shows the kindly thoughts that were in his 
mind when his race was nearly run. He left a small sum, 
having already made a more substantial provision, for the 
support of the little Universalist church at The Norlands, 
“being the same church,” the will said, “in which my 
revered parents worshipped from the time it was erected 
in 1828 until the time of their death.”’ He directed that a 
memorial window be put up to his wife’s memory in the 
South Presbyterian Church at Galena. His farm in Maine 
he left to his son William Pitt and upon his death it was 
to remain in the family. He remembered by tokens of 
affection his wife’s nephews and nieces, the children of 
Colonel E. H. Gratiot. He directed his executors to 
provide for the education at college either at Madison or 


Elihu Benjamin Washburne 293 


Beloit, Wisconsin, of “Master Bertie Hagar, the son of 
my old friend and associate in the Chicago Historical So- 
ciety, A. D. Hagar.” 

To satisfy the demand of the people of Illinois there 
was a public funeral. Mr. Washburne’s body was taken 
from his son’s house to the Unity Church where he had 
worshipped, the procession included honorary and active 
pall-bearers, a platoon of police, the Chicago Turn- 
gemeinde, and last the German guard of honor. 


Imperial German Consulate, Chicago, October 25th, 1887 
Hempstead Washburne, Esq., 
73, Maple Street, 
City. 

Dear Sir: Baron Zedtwitz, the German Charge d’Af- 
faires at Washington, acting for the absent German 
minister to the United States, directs me to express to you 
and your family his profound sympathy and sincerest 
condolences on the death of your father. 

In order to give full expression to these feelings I have 
begged of the gentlemen in charge of the arrangements for 
the funeral services to be allowed to lay the German colors 
as shown by the flag of this Consulate before the catafalque 
and will participate in the services as the delegate of the 
representative of the German Empire in this country. 
It will be gratifying for me to think that you will accept 
these symbolic acts as the tribute of gratitude of the Ger- 
man nation to the blessed memory of the illustrious dead. 

Sincerely yours, 
Baron NORDENFLYCHT 
Imperial German Consul 


The honorary pall-bearers were the governor of the 
state, Mr. Oglesby, the federal judge, Walter Gresham, 
the German Consul, Baron Nordenflycht, Lyman Trum- 
bull lately the senator from Illinois, his intimate friends 
and political coadjutors, General A. L. Cheltain, J. 


294 Israel, Elihu and Cadwallader Washburn 


Russell Jones, Leonard Swett, Joseph Medill and twenty- 
four others representing the life of Illinois. At their 
own earnest request representatives of the German so- 
cieties in Chicago were the active pall-bearers. The city 
offices were closed, the church was crowded with people 
and Dr. Swing preached an eloquent sermon. The funeral 
ceremonies were held at three o’clock in the afternoon and 
after they were over, the body lay in state while crowds 
passed before it. At eight o’clock in the evening it was 
taken to Galena. 

Arriving in that town the following morning it was 
taken to Turner Hall, the largest building in the city, 
which had been elaborately decorated to receive it. 
Here it lay in state again, and, as in Chicago, the American 
and German colors rested together at the foot of the bier. 
Fifteen hundred people crowded into the hall at two 
o’clock in the afternoon to attend the funeral. The 
Reverend Dr. A. C. Smith, Pastor of the South Pres- 
byterian Church, which Elihu and Adéle Washburne had 
always attended when they were at home delivered the 
funeral sermon, and the Reverend H. D. Schmidt, the 
German Lutheran minister, made a brief address in 
German. The funeral procession from Turner Hall to the 
cemetery was the longest that had ever passed through 
the streets of Galena including military guards, civil 
dignitaries and a long line of friends. The public schools 
were closed on that day and while the funeral was in 
progress all business ceased. 

And so the curtain fell and the drama was over. The 
newspapers throughout the country and in Paris and 
London eulogized him. So did many political and other 
organizations with which he had had connection of one 
kind or another. All of them praised his upright character, 


Elihu Benjamin Washburne 295 


industry and ability in public service, and most of them 
saw in his career a shining example of the opportunity 
which the free institutions of America afforded to the 
deserving man to rise to great heights through his own 
exertions and by his own merits. 

His life had been a success. He himself considered 
that he had succeeded. He had been an agent in building 
up his adopted state and he had reflected honor upon the 
state of his birth. He had been an agent in extending 
civilization in the West. He had been a factor in destroy- 
ing human slavery and in making the American nation 
strong. He had guarded the national treasury from the 
thieves. He had served humanity in the crisis of the 
French and German war and had brought credit on his 
country by his intrepid and intelligent conduct as its 
representative. He had contributed to the history of the 
past and was a part of the history of his generation. 





Ca sy i) i Hi my AW 
AN Sia Dh alaceenh 


os Heist by ae 
ee 
a Hi ny * aL he ii ' his J ? A a 












Major GENERAL CADWALLADER C. WASHBURN 


CADWALLADER COLDEN WASHBURN 


THE PUSH TO THE WESTWARD AND SETTLEMENT 
AT MINERAL POINT 


The brothers had their own standards and when they 
voted Cadwallader the greatest among them, it was not 
with any lack of appreciation for the respective powers of 
the others. Their opinions were based on knowledge to 
be gained only in the family, something which an outsider 
could not possess. 

Cadwallader’s boyhood was spent, as was Elihu’s, in a 
contest with necessities. He worked and studied, alternat- 
ing between laboring on the farm and attending schools in 
the neighborhood. 

He was born April 22, 1818. His education did not 
pass beyond that which the common schools afforded, nor 
does it appear that he made an effort to go to college. 
If he had desired it earnestly, a way would have been 
found to gratify his wish. Boys of Washburn’s class could 
get a college education by one means or another. His 
desires seem to have set in other directions. When he was 
approaching manhood he wanted to go into the army 
and to receive an assignment to West Point. His failure 
to do so caused a severe disappointment. Probably this 
was the first real disappointment of his life. 

As his brothers, he came under the influence of his 
uncle, Reuel Washburn. While he never regularly read 
law in Reuel Washburn’s office he was directed in his 
law studies by this Mr. Washburn and when he decided 

297 


298 Israel, Elihu and Cadwallader Washburn 


to go West, received advice from him. Reuel Washburn 
impressed himself on the young man. The advice he 
gave him must have been of strong influence upon his 
career, for in his will, made a few years before his death, 
when he could look back on his life and measure his 
obligations he said: “To the three daughters of Alonzo 
Washburn, son of my uncle, Reuel Washburn, I give one 
thousand dollars each, $3,000, in token of my respect for 
the memory of my excellent uncle, their grandfather, who 
was one of the most honest and conscientious men I ever 
knew, and whose advice to me when I left home I have 
never forgotten.” 

Cadwallader Washburn’s contemporaries who re- 
membered him when he wasa boy said that he was stu- 
dious and popular with a remarkably good memory, 
quiet, persistent, and fond of reading. 

He had a more patient disposition than his brothers 
Elihu and William Drew and had no aversion to teaching 
boys as had Elihu. He was a school teacher in Maine 
when he was twenty-one. He became wholly self- 
supporting when he was eighteen and a clerk in a store at 
Hallowell. After that he had become principal of the 
chief school in Wiscasset. Until he arrived at man’s 
estate Hallowell was the largest place he had ever seen. 
It contained about 3000 people. Wiscasset contained 
not more than 2000. Both places were on the water;— 
Hallowell on the bank of the Kennebec River and 
Vaughn’s Brook; this latter having cascades once used to 
run mills. Wiscasset had a fine harbor from its situation 
on the Montsweag stream where there had been eight 
water power plants and where was an old mill with a dam. 
Hallowell was a conservative old community, living 
rather in the past than in the future, and Wiscasset had 


Cadwallader Colden Washburn 299 


once been a busy seaport, but had lost its prosperity when 
it lost its shipping in consequence of the War of 1812. 
There was nothing in either place to attract an ambitious 
boy. 

When Cadwallader Washburn was of age the vast 
domain of Louisiana had been a part of the United States 
for only one generation. The curiosity to know what it . 
was like had stimulated emigration to it. At first the 
emigration had taken the direction of the lower part of 
the territory above and around the city of New Orleans. 
This region was supposed to be very rich in resources and 
both Cadwallader and Elihu Washburn at one time con- 
templated going to the Mississippi territory. When 
Cadwallader went West he had no definite idea where he 
would stop, but he held in his mind the advisability of 
going to the banks of the Mississippi River—that much 
of his original predilection carried. 

Here was the young man when he set out to conquer the 
world; of light complexion with light brown, straight hair, 
the blue eyes of an Englishman, a straight, prominent 
nose, a broad mouth with compressed lips, broad shoul- 
ders, deep chest, a large body, rather below the average 
height, about five feet eight inches, sound in body and 
mind, not a handsome young man perhaps, but certainly 
not an ugly one. His manner was retiring, but frank 
when others chose to be friendly. 

The influences which had shaped his character were 
simple; he lived in a community of hard-working people 

who were all equal, all American, born of English descent, 
- most of them descended from soldiers of the Revolution, 
all of pilgrim, Puritan stock, disposed to discourage gayety 
and pleasure; he had never been a hundred miles from the 
place where he was born; he was accustomed to long, 


300 = Israel, Elihu and Cadwallader Washburn 


hard winters,—indeed, he did not know hardships were 
hardships, because he had never experienced soft luxury. 
Of individuals who had molded him were the lawyer 
Uncle, wise, industrious, learned, scrupulous; the elder 
brothers, Israel and Sidney and especially father and 
mother with their unselfish, patriotic, conscientious 
intelligence. His character was formed when he left 
Maine. In all of the rest of his life nobody ever spoke of 
him without speaking of his honesty and firm common 
sense—these were his strongest characteristics. His 
brother, Sidney, loaned him the money to pay his way to 
the West. He never forgot the obligation even after he had 
repaid the money. He liked to harbor the feeling of 
gratitude. He felt kindly towards people in distress,— 
towards the Southerners when he had fought and con- 
quered them, towards the Indians whom he saw cheated 
and despoiled. He was naturally a philanthropist. 
Much that happened to him in after life which would have 
embittered a weaker nature, only mellowed him. 

On May 20, 1839, Cadwallader Washburn and _ his 
brother, Samuel, went to Hallowell together and there 
Cadwallader embarked on the steamer, The Huntress 
for Boston, the first stopping place on his way to the 
West. He would go to Iowa, Illinois or Wisconsin,—he 
had no more definite idea in mind. 

On May 25, he wrote to his brother, Algernon Sidney 
Washburn. This was sent from the Erie Canal some- 
where between Schenectady and Utica. He described the 
fortifications in New York harbor, mentioning that as he 
passed West Point many bitter recollections and un- 
availing regrets crowded into his mind. 

Then on June 16, he wrote his first letter to his father. 
This was sent from Galena. ; 


Cadwallader Colden Washburn 301 


Dear Father: I have been postponing writing till my 
arrival here, from the fact that before I left Chicago, I had 
seen scarcely anything of the country and of course from 
observation was able to say nothing concerning it. But 
before I speak of the country or how I like it, I will give you 
a slight account of my journey. You are aware that at 
Hallowell I went on board the Steamer Huntress for 
Boston. We had a fine passage up, arriving in Boston 
about five o’clock the next morning and quartered at the 
Franklin House, a house by the way that I do not think 
much of. After breakfast I sallied forth and found Sidney, 
who was on hand. With him I went round to see the City. 
Made a visit to the dome of the State House, etc. In the 
P. M. we got into an omnibus and rode out to Cambridge to 
see Elihu. Found him well and wide awake, in one of the 
most pleasant places upon the face of the earth. Sidney 
returned to Boston the same night but I remained with 
FE. B. Next morning walked into the city, where I remained 
till afternoon, when I took the cars for Providence. But 
before going farther, I would say, that at Boston I went 
into the office of the American Transportation Co. and 
contracted to go to Green Bay or Chicago as I might see 
fit, for $28. in the first style, with board from Albany. 
Well this was tremendous cheap you will say, and so it was. 
I paid him $16. to Buffalo and the balance I was to pay 
there at Buffalo. 

At Providence I took the Stonington cars, where we 
arrived in the evening and went immediately on board the 
Steamer R. Island. Had a fine passage and next morning 
between six and seven arrived in the big City. While 
there stopped at the City Hotel which is equal to any they 
have. The passage up to the city is very interesting. The 
passage through Hell Gate, from associations, is famous. | 
looked for the place where Van Courtland, the dreamer, 
was whirled round in his tub and shipwrecked, in vain. 
While in the City I was most of the time upon my feet, 
but notwithstanding which I did not begin to see it scarcely. 
While there called at Woodman’s office, but he was not at 
home. At five o’clock, went on board the fine Steam Boat 


302 


Israel, Elihu and Cadwallader Washburn 


Swallow for Albany. She had a host of passengers, but the 
way she went ahead was a caution.—I should have been 
very glad to have gone up the Hudson in the day time as I 
wished very much to see the scenery upon its banks, of 
which so much has been said and sung. As it was, I did 
not go to bed till all the best scenery was passed and so 
far as I could judge, all that has been said about it comes 
far short of the reality. The passage through the Highlands 
is the most sublime of anything I ever saw. As it was quite 
dark when we got to West Point, and as the Military Works 
are situated high above the River, I could see but little of it. 
Could I have seen ever so much it would not have given me 
much satisfaction. At three o’clock in the morning the boat 
arrived in Albany. Remained till nine and took the cars for 
Schenectady. Albany, from what I saw of it, appeared to 
be a fine place. Its situation on the side of a hill is very 
much like Hallowell. After taking seats in the cars at 
Albany, an inclined plane of nearly a mile and a half in 
length has to be overcome, for which horse power is used, 
and then the locomotive is hitched on and we are at 
Schenectady in a trice. Schenectady is most delightfully 
situated in the valley of the Mohawk, and is a place about 
as large as Hallowell or Augusta. Here found a canal 
boat belonging to our Company about ready to start for 
Buffalo, which I went aboard of and which proved to be a 
very good boat with a good Captain. We got along at the 
rate of about 60 miles a day, travelling day and night. 
Travelling on the canal would be very pleasant, could we go 
a little faster and not be quite so much crowded at night. 
With us (I say we and us because I got in company with 
some persons from N. H. that came clear through to Chi- 
cago with me) the weather was very pleasant but we were 
a good deal crowded, we had however a very good company, 
and I enjoyed myself very much. We had about 30 passen- 
gers besides the crew, which made pretty close packing 
at night, lassure you. The canal follows up the Mohawk to 
its source which is a very fine stream, winding through a 
most delightful, tho’ in many places very narrow valley. 
At a place called Little Falls, about 60 miles from Schenec- 


Cadwallader Colden Washburn 303 


tady, there is some most imposing scenery, and here it was 
necessary to blast a good deal to get the canal through, 
here too are several locks. There are numerous villages 
along the canal but none that are anything to brag till we 
get to Utica and this is as fair a village as I ever saw. 
Syracuse is also a fine place. Here they make vast quan- 
tities of salt; the evaporating works here cover something 
like a hundred acres. But the greatest place between 
Albany and Buffalo is Rochester. Here perhaps are the 
most extensive flour mills in the U. S. Here the canal 
crosses the Genesee River in a vast aqueduct with 11 
arches. ... Before leaving Rochester I ought to have 
said that I went to see the famous Genesee falls. They are 
situated about 14 of a mile below the village and are well 
worth going to see; saw the place where Sam Patch made 
his last leap. The fall is something like a 100 feet per- 
pendicular. Found ourselves in Buffalo Friday morning 
after having been a week on the canal, and here we had to 
remain till Monday morning for a boat. A few days before 
my arrival at Buffalo, the Steam Boats all combined not to 
carry passengers to Chicago or Green Bay for less than $20. 
Well, my agreement was that I was to go on from here if 
I chose for $12. I shewed my agreement to the Agent 
here, but he backed out. Said he wouldn’t do any such 
thing, and by a mere quibble contrived to shirk off from 
the agreement. Had he been up to the agreement which I 
made in Boston I should have got to Chicago some $8. 
cheaper. He offered to compromise with me by giving me 
$2. to say no more about it, which when I found I could do 
no better, I concluded to do. On the whole I got through 
some three or four dollars cheaper than I should had I not 
paid anything in Boston. At Buffalo we went on Board the 
Steam Ship Great Western, which is a new boat and the larg- 
est on the lakes. She is a splendid boat though not so fast 
as some others. We had a rather long passage but a very 
smooth and pleasant one and good company on board. 
Gov. Mason of Michigan came with us from Buffalo to 
Detroit.—In the appearance of Detroit, I was disappointed, 
as it appeared much better than I expected. It was a very 


304 


Israel, Elihu and Cadwallader Washburn 


fine day when we were there; in a wet day it would not 
appear near so well I presume;—it is said to be a very 
muddy place. At Detroit we took on board several new 
passengers, among others the Hon. H. R. Schoolcraft, 
Indian Agent who resides at Mackinaw. We made two 
stops to wood, one upon St. Clair River, the other at 
Presque Isle on the west shore of Lake Huron. The country 
upon the St. Clair River is very low and uninviting. In 
fact after leaving Detroit, we see no good country before 
we get to G. Bay and then nothing to brag of. At Presque 
Isle are two or three log huts where fishermen and wood- 
cutters live; they have no neighbors within a hundred 
miles or more. The passengers, ladies and gentlemen, 
manifested a good deal of curiosity by going in and examin- 
ing all the cabins. In the best looking one, we found a lady 
from Ohio who said she had been there about a week and 
was calculating to spend the summer there with her 
husband who was carrying on the fishing business. At 
Mackinaw we made a short stop, enough however to give 
me a chance to look round a little. The village is situated 
upon the south shore of the island and overlooked by a 
high rocky bluff some 300 feet high, and here the fort is. 
I went up into it and reconnoitered. The situation I should 
judge to be a very strong one. ‘There are no soldiers here 
now, save one orderly sergeant who takes care of the build- 
ings. Mackinaw is a great place for fish and the Mackinaw 
trout are famous. I saw some there that I should judge to 
weigh nearly fifty pounds. Leaving Mackinaw, we next 
morning found ourselves within sight of G. Bay. And here 
we got aground, so that it was nearly noon before we got up 
to town. Here we had to stop five or six hours to discharge 
freight and take on wood. Green Bay is very prettily 
situated and is said to be remarkably healthy, but on the 
whole I did not exactly like the ‘looks of ’em.’ I heard of 
one fellow there from Maine who had lately arrived, who 
was trying to get up a school and was likely to succeed 
very well. His name was Lufkin from N. Yarmouth. 
Probably Mrs. Quimby knows him. Here are generally a 
large number of Indians. While we were there a later 


Cadwallader Colden Washburn 305 


number of the Menomonies were in town, who, to all 
appearances, are the most degraded set of beings on earth. 
Most of them were most hideously painted. Before we 
left, they came down upon the wharf and gave us a dance, 
cutting up some of the most fantastic tricks imaginable. 
After leaving G. Bay we made no stop till we got to Chicago, 
save off Milwaukee in the night to land passengers and take 
on wood. I was disappointed in not being able to see the 
place. Did not get to Chicago till Monday night, too 
late to look round and see much. Next morning had a 
chance to see a little. Was not very much taken on the 
whole with the place, its situation is very low and flat and 
it is very muddy. At Chicago I found a chance to ride on 
horseback as far as Rockford, half way to this place, which 
(as riding in the stage is very dear business) I accepted, and 
put my trunk on board the stage. The ride from Chicago 
to this place is very pleasant. We passed over some of the 
finest lands between Fox and Rock rivers that I ever laid 
my eyeson. I| think I may say that I was not disappointed 
in the country between this and Chicago. The accommoda- 
tions for travellers are generally better than they look. 
Every house I stopped at between here and Chicago, with 
one or two exceptions, was a log house, but they know how 
to charge notwithstanding! ... 

We got here last night, just on the edge of the evening, 
and too late for me to see anybody. ‘Today is Sunday so of 
course I can tell nothing about what I can do until to- 
morrow. Business here is said to be very good and | have 
no doubt that I shall find something to do to advantage. 
I shall call on Mr. Melville tomorrow morning. I should 
not send this till I have looked round. some, but the mail 
does not go again under two or three days and, as I suppose 
you are rather anxious to hear, I will delay no longer. 
I shall write again shortly, I have a great deal more to say 
about the country which I have not room to say now. 
There is a young fellow here from Albion, Me., by the name 
of Farnham, who stops at the same house where I am; he 
came to town Friday. 

Love to all. 
Yrs. aff’tely and truly. 


306 Israel, Elihu and Cadwallader Washburn 


On July 11 he wrote again to his father. This was from 
Davenport, Iowa Territory. 


. . . At Galena I found business contrary to my expecta- 
tions most horrid dull. I called on Major Melville and 
found him to be a first rate old gentleman. He interested 
himself a good deal in my behalf, but to little purpose. I 
finally, through his aid, got an opportunity of going out on 
survey as Assistant, which, had it been a different season 
of the year, would have been just what I wanted. The 
contractor was waiting for orders from Washington when I 
was there, and had been for several weeks. Had he been 
ready, I should have accepted his proposal; but, taking into 
consideration that I might have to wait several weeks, and 
the season of the year, July and August, the most unhealthy 
part, I concluded to abandon the proposition. I spent a 
little more than a week in Galena, and while there got a 
very little acquainted. ‘Took tea with Maj. Melville who 
has a very fine family. Also spent one evening at the meet- 
ing of the sewing Society. Galena itself is the roughest 
place you ever saw or heard of, and there are also a good 
many rough chaps about it, but there is notwithstanding a 
good deal of good society there. Well, after I found I 
could do nothing to advantage at Galena, I concluded 
I would just drop down the river a piece to Quincy. I had 
a letter to C. Gilman, Esq. and Maj. Melville gave me one 
to a gentleman of his acquaintance there. Well, I got on 
board a boat for Quincy, got as far down as Stephenson 
which is directly opposite this on the Illinois side, where the 
boat stopped a moment. I thought I would run up and say 
how-de-do to an old friend, 'T. B. Wells, Esq. Found him 
without difficulty. He insisted upon my stopping a day 
or two with him at least; said he thought I could get up a 
school over here if I chose. Accordingly I concluded I 
would stop to see what could be done. I was most favor- 
ably struck with the appearance of Davenport at first 
sight, which favorable impression has lost nothing by seeing 
more of it. Wells came over with me, and found out what 
could be done. They havea school here now which has been 


Cadwallader Colden Washburn 307 


for sometime in operation, but the teacher is very un- 
popular with the body of the people, and has but a small 
school. After enquiring, I concluded that I would get up a 
school that would pay my expenses at least, if nothing 
more. Some of the people were very anxious to have me go 
ahead and themselves knocked round to get scholars for me. 
Encouraged I made some little arrangements about a room 
and then dropped down to Quincy. Here I found business 
about as dull as anywhere else. I had a letter from Major 
Melville to a merchant of the name of Artemus Ward 
formerly from Massachusetts. Called at his store but he 
had gone to Boston. Called on C. Gilman, found him a 
very pleasant, clever fellow. He interested himself a good 
deal in my behalf. *Tis through his influence that I can 
have a large and good school sixteen miles from Quincy, in 
the town of Columbus, if I want it. As they are not 
ready to have it commence under eight weeks, I decided to 
come back and keep a quarter here anyhow and see what 
could be done, and if anything, remain here; if not nego- 
ciate for that school. With Quincy I was quite well pleased, 
and I should liked to have stopped there, if I could have 
brought things to their proper bearing. *Tis quite a pretty 
place and has more the appearance of an Eastern town than 
any that I have seen in the West. ’Tis not near as healthy 
a place as this is, ’tis quite sickly there now, this place is 
perfectly healthy. I spent the 4th of July at Quincy. The 
day was celebrated very handsomely. They have one of 
the finest hotels to be found in the Western country. A 
good hotel is a scarce article here I assure you. I have 
stopped at some public houses since I have been in the 
country that would be a caution to you Eastern folk. 

Got into Quincy on Tuesday. Monday P. M. walked 
out into the country to see if I could find I. Leverett or 
the Thompsons. Found Uncle Bill Thompson without 
much difficulty. Leverett has moved up north some 
twenty-five miles. Uncle Bill appears to be about the 
same old “‘Jacknife” that he used to be. ... Left Q. 
Thursday night expecting to be at this place by Saturday 
morning, but got stuck upon the Rapids and did not get 


308 


Israel, Elihu and Cadwallader Washburn 


here till Tuesday morning. However, I notified them that 
I was on hand and commenced school same day. Had 
sixteen that first day. This is the evening of the third 
day, have had twenty-two. Think there can not be much 
doubt that I shall get thirty. My terms you will see by a 
paper I shall send you. I keep five days per week. Either 
next Saturday or a week from Saturday, I intend to ride 
out back into the country and see how it looks. Wells 
will probably go with me. Davenport is situated right upon 
the banks of the Mississippi at the foot of Rock Island, and 
is allowed by all to be the most delightful spot upon the 
river. There is a strip of timber runs along back of the 
village; about half a mile from the river, which is, I am told, 
about the same in breadth; there you come upon a most 
beautiful prairie twelve or fifteen miles across. ‘They are 
settling in here with a rapidity almost without parallel. 
The lands are all claimed within six or seven miles. Some 
of them are very valuable. I think it not unlikely that I 
shall make a claim when I go out. There can be no doubt 
but what all the lands within ten miles of here must before 
long advance a good deal upon the government price. 
When these lands will be in market is more than I know. 
It is generally thought, I believe, not before a year from 
this fall. You can have no idea without seeing it of the 
richness of the soil or the ease with which it is cultivated. 
I wish you could see some of the corn that I have seen 
growing, ’twould do your eyes good. They say there is now 
plenty of prairie of the finest kind within seven miles of here. 
The great trouble with prairie is the difficulty of getting 
material for fence. . . . Here a person who has money 
can make money. I have neither money nor credit. 
Whether I shall ever make anything here remains to be 
seen. I think, however, if I don’t, get homesick and con- 
tinue to enjoy good health there may be a chance to do 
something by and by. Never in my life have I enjoyed 
better health than since I left home. My spirits have been 
equally good. I have not heard one word from Maine, 
save that the Kennebec Dam is gone. I feel very anxious 
to hear from you all. I should like to have you send me now 


Cadwallader Colden Washburn 309 


and then a Ken. Journal. 'They have a paper here but it is 
small fry. You will see that the Editor gives me a slight 
puff. 

I have before told you that Davenport is situated upon 
the noble Mississippi. My boarding house looks right out 
upon the water and is within thirty yards of the river. 
I am situated nearly opposite the south end of Rock Island. 
Right on the south point of the Island is Fort Anthony. 
*Tis a beautiful spot. A short distance above, is the seat of 
Mr. Davenport, one of the fathers of the town. He has one 
of the most splendid situations you ever laid your eyes 
upon. Opposite Davenport’s place, and right above the 
village, is the seat of Antoine Leclaire, a great, fat, rich 
half-breed. He owns a section of land, the finest you ever 
saw, which he has enclosed with a white fence. He has, too, 
a fine house and other buildings. It makes decidedly a 
splendid appearance. I suppose Leclaire and Davenport 
both to be worth two or three hundred thousand dollars 
each. I intended to have told you something more about 
my journey, particularly my ride on horseback from 
Chicago to Rockford, for I thought that it was decidedly 
romantick, but I shall not have room. I need say nothing 
more about the country to convince you that I am pleased 
with it. But this I will say, that all other things being 
equal, I had rather live at the East than here. Yet Eastern 
people are pouring in very fast, and society will soon be as 
good as at the East. The man that is well off at the East, 
to him I would not say come here; but to him that is not, I 
would say come, if you can get here. There is no young 
man, if he has got any kind of spunk, but what can get 
here. This making a mountain out of a mole hill is all 
folly. It has seemed a dream to me, I| can’t realize any 
way I can fix it that I am 2000 miles from home. . . . 

I conclude that Sidney will be at home making you a 
visit about the time you get this and perhaps Elihu. I 
can not see much of a chance for Elihu here at this place. 
They have three or four lawyers here now. I think if he 
comes to the West, he will find St. Louis the best place. 
There is no place in the West that is growing so rapidly. 


310 =—s Israel, Elihu and Cadwallader Washburn 


*Tis destined to be the largest place this side of the 
Alleghanies. ... 

Monday, July 15th: Have had today several new 
scholars, now have about thirty. Think I may average at 
least that number. 


What is not related above but which Cadwallader wrote 
to his brother, Sidney, on July 13 is that upon his arrival 
in Davenport he possessed but five dollars which should 
have been expended in the purchase of a’ pair of shoes. 
Little wonder he believed ““money begets;money.” He 
felt, though, had he had more, he would have travelled 
farther. 

Davenport had been a wilderness until a settler located a 
claim on the land of the city in 1833. When Washburn 
came the population was not more than a few hundred 
people, yet he considered the country, for farming pur- 
poses, as far ahead of Maine as Maine of Patagonia. 

He wrote again to his brother Algernon Sidney Wash- 


burn. 
Rock Island, July 27th, 1841. 


Since I last wrote you, I have been to the great City 
of St. Louis from whence I returned last Friday. The 
object of my visit was to secure a government contract of 
Surveying in which I succeeded.t I shall have something 
like three townships to survey this fall, probably shall not 
commence till the first of October. This will be a small 
contract, but better than nothing and will serve I doubt not 
to make me square with the world. We get for surveying 
$3. per mile. There are 60 miles of surveying in a town- 
ship, and it requires from one to two weeks to survey a 
township. I had to employ five hands to assist me. These 


1He kept his school for three months when he became an assistant under 
David D. Owen and made a geological survey of the territory for the federal 
government. This occupied him till late in the autumn. 


Cadwallader Colden Washburn at 


take off part of the profits of the job, but it will be pretty 
profitable for all that. 

If I am fortunate I can make at least $100. a township. 
I am in hopes this contract will be but a prelude to more. 
If I could get enough Government Surveying to employ 
me half the time, I would not sigh for the best office in 
John Tyler’s gift. But the facts are, there is not much 
surveying to do at present; the Government not having 
made any recent purchases of the Indians and most of the 
old cessions having been surveyed; my office of County 
Surveyor just about pays my expenses; I am not employed 
much of the time, but when I am, I am tolerably well paid. 

St. Louis is a great place and will be much greater. 
Fifteen hundred houses are going up this season. While 
there I stopped at the Planters’ House, which is second to no 
House in the Union. It could swallow up the Tremont 
House at a mouthful and is as large as the Astor House at 
N. Y. I think a great deal of St. Louis. It must be the 
greatest place in the Mississippi Valley except New Orleans. 
No person can stand upon the levee and see the immense 
number of Steam Boats lying in port, with others constantly 
arriving or departing, without being penetrated with the 
immensity of the West and its destiny to mighty great- 


resis)... 
Write immediately and believe in truly and sincerely 
thine 


C. C. Washburne ! 


To ALGERNON SIDNEY WASHBURN 
Rock Island, Nov. 17th, 1841 


When I wrote you last was after my return from St. 
Louis where I had been to receive a contract for survey- 
ing. ... Since then the whole has been kicked over in 
consequence of the rejection by the Senate of the nomina- 
tion of Dr. Silas Reed who was appointed Surveyor General. 
Another man has been put in his place with whom I have 


1Tn this letter, it will be observed, he signs his surname with the final e¢, 
which after about five years he abandoned. 


312 = Israel, Elihu and Cadwallader Washburn 


been trying to negotiate for a contract. Whether I shall 
be successful, I can’t say. I am not without my fears and 
doubts. 

I don’t get much to do in connection with my office, 
and when I am not otherwise employed I study law and read 
some other books occasionally. On the whole get along 
tolerable pleasantly, live in the pleasantest town in the 
world in which are many pleasant fellows, yet everything 
is now very dull in the way of business, never more so and 
times are the very hardest. But we are looking forward 
to a great and glorious day when this shall be what nature 
made it for, the Manchester of this union. Gen. Armitage, 
Col. Long and Surgeon General Lawson left here this 
morning. They have been stopping several days, and are 
on the lookout for a site for a National Armory. They were 
highly pleased with this location and did not hesitate to 
say that we had eveything requisite for the establishment 
and carrying on an Armory. We feel confident of getting 
it here. Col. Long who is known from one end of the Union 
to the other as one of our most scientific men, predicted 
that we were to become a great manufacturing community 
and that soon, as soon as Eastern capitalists can be made 
acquainted with the superior advantages of this point. 

We had a little set down last night over a glass of cham- 
pagne when Col. Long gave for a sentiment “‘ Rock Island, 
the hospitality of whose citizens and her water power, both 
equally abundant and overflowing.” I tell you what, we 
have got the elements here. All we want is capital. We 
are all poor together now, and times are hard so that we 
are at present making slow advances. But when we do 
take a start we shall go it with a perfect rush. 


Yours Sincerely 


C. C. Washburne 


The winter was a problem. There were the possibilities 
of living on a farm eighteen miles from Davenport at a 
place called Round Cove. (The owner was to sell him 


Cadwallader Colden Washburn 313 


half the land for the price he had paid for it and it was 
sure to appreciate in value.) He inclined more favorably 
toward opening a store in the spring if he could borrow the 
capital. (This would amount to some two or three hun- 
dred dollars of freightage from Boston.) And he wished 
to print a book with a good map giving information about 
Iowa. | 

At length, he went over to Stephenson and started a 
school again. ‘‘What in heaven’s name,” he wrote 
Sidney, “can a fellow do, who is bound down by the iron 
hand of poverty as I am?”’ 

Stephenson was the county seat of Rock Island County 
and in a few years changed its name to Rock Island. At 
this time, 1840, it was about five years old. 

During the summer and fall of 1840 Cadwallader Wash- 
burn was clerk in a store. When his employer died he had 
difficulty in collecting his wages and finally by winter 
was reading law under Joseph B. Wells, many years later 
lieutenant governor of the state. 

Washburn wrote his brother in December, 1840, of his 
appointment to the office of surveyor of the county. 
“Tis an office of no great importance,” he said, “but 
may be worth having.” His interest in politics was in- 
creasing. The Whigs were not in power in Illinois but 
they rejoiced at what the rest of the country had done. 
“What do you think old Tip will do?” he wrote. “Will 
he give us better times do you think? Will he make a 
clean sweep among the office holders? I hope he may 
rout every mother’s son of ‘em’.” He believed the future 
of Rock Island was assured and was resolved to bide 
his time and await a change of fortune. In February, 
1841, he communicated the following to his brother. 


314 


Israel, Elihu and Cadwallader Washburn 


Stephenson 

You ask what I am up to and what my prospects are. 
To tell you the truth my prospects are not so bright as the 
brightest, neither are they so desperate. ... I have a 
claim against the estate of the store keeper for whom | 
worked of something like $150.—one cent of which I have 
not received and fear I shall not within a year. The estate 
will not be settled up before that time, if it is then. This 
failure to recover my dues leaves me somewhat minus. 
When I was chosen County Surveyor last fall my election 
was contested, which cost me $40. right out of pocket tho’ 
I succeeded in the contest. I received my commission so 
late in the fall that I have not been able to do any surveying 
of any consequence as yet. I think there will be a good 
deal to do upon the opening of spring. I think I may make 
something out of it one of these days, soI livein hope. A 
fellow who comes to a new country, penniless and an entire 
stranger, can not jump into a fortune at once. He has 
many things to contend against which are not to be over- 
come in a moment. But if he holds out, minds his own 
business, does not become dissipated, as at least one half of 
the young men here do, he will generally come out right 
side up. 

Truly and Sincerely Yrs. 


In another six weeks he wrote. 


Mineral Point, Wiskonsan T. March 31, 1842 

Dear Brother: What the devil does this mean, methinks I 
hear you say as you open this letter and see the heading. 
What in the name of the “ten muses” has brought me 
here you will undoubtedly ask. I will tell you, sir, how 
and why Iam here. I have come to hang out as Attorney 
and Counselor at law and am hung out accordingly. But 
why did you leave Rock Island you ask? I will tell you 
that too. R. I. is no place for law, nor at present for any 
other business. I staid there as long as I did, because it was 
a good enough place to study my profession, but always 
intending to go elsewhere to practice, when I was admitted. 


Cadwallader Colden Washburn 315 


Thinking myself sufficiently advanced in legal lore, I 
thought I might as well get admitted this spring as ever, 
so about three weeks ago, in accordance with the advice 
of Elihu and others, I left R. I. and came up the river to 
Galena, where I stopped a few days and from thence came 
here. I immediately engaged an office in which I now write. 
This week I have been to Lancaster, Grant County, to 
court, where I was examined and admitted. I now expect 
to stop here permanently and have strong hopes that I may 
be able to do something. Mineral Point is the Seat of the 
County, and here all the lawyers live.1 There is a great 
deal of litigation in the country and I do not think we are 
so much thronged with lawyers as most places. ‘The 
town is a rough place, containing about seven hundred 
inhabitants. I have very strong hopes that I shall make 
it go here, and be able soon to do you justice. 

I must ask of you to be yet patient a little longer. Since 
I have been studying my profession I have had as much as 
I could do to keep along, but I have got along. I think 
I shall come out straight as a shingle by and by. 

As I before said I stopped a few days with Elihu. He 
is doing a first rate business not less than $2000. a year and 
his business is still increasing. I consider that he was very 
fortunate in his vocation, if I am half as much so, I will be 
satisfied. From Galena I came on out to Platteville, and 
stopped two days, visiting Ben. Eastman and his wife 
Charlotte, my friend Fillibrown who lives near upon a 
farm, and G. W. Lakin who has a law shop there. .. . 


Mineral Point, Wiskonsan T., October 16, 1842. 
Touching myself I have a few words to say, and then 
I will pass to more interesting matters. ”Tis most true, I 
am here in Mineral Point, as I have been for seven months 
past. I have a good comfortable office, good boarding 
house, a little business and large expectations. I like it 
here well and think I have every inducement to remain and 


1The town was hardly larger than Stephenson. It had not even a newspaper. 
It was the Galena News announced that Mr. Washburn was ready to receive 
clients. 


316 = Israel, Elihu and Cadwallader Washburn 


shall remain. Most of the business which I have obtained 
has not yet matured and consequently I have got hold of 
very little money and am kept hard up. But I think with 
the knowledge of my prospect of doing something by and 
by, Elihu and myself can make a dicker, by which I shall 
be able to do what, God knows should have been done long © 
ago, i. e. cancel that affair of yours. I brought suit in 
four courts this fall, but have yet realized nothing from 
any of them. I go to Madison in a short time to attend to 
three or four cases which I have there. I do not flatter 
myself that I am going to make a fortune in a hurry in the 
law, but I do that I shall make a living of it, and pay what 
I owe. I saw E. B. a couple of weeks ago at the Grant 
County Court... . 

By the last mail we got Webster’s Faneuil Hall 
speech.... The old envious jealous “cuss” would 
sooner see the country d—nd than he would see Harry ex- 
alted over him. I don’t hear a single voice lifted up in 
his defence, but the universal cry now is Harry of the West. 
No Whig in this quarter of the Union thinks of any one 
else. Will the Whigs of N. England do their duty? Cap- 
tain Tyler is execrated by all, as well as all his infamous 
clan, from Webster, Cushing etc. downwards. 


During the two years following, his law practice 
commenced its growth. In August, 1844, he formed a 
partnership in the law with Cyrus Woodman who com- 
bined with his law practice the agency of the New England 
Land Company. In time practically the whole law business 
concerned the work of land grants. The profits were large. 

The law gave lands to all who enlisted in the war with 
Mexico, and in many cases, the rights to these lands were 
sold by the soldiers. Of course Washburn and Woodman 
stood in a splendid way to study the country and take 
over the more valuable land tracts. These they chose with 
special reference to mineral and timber wealth. 

This was the basis of Cadwallader Washburn’s wealth. 


Cadwallader Colden Washburn DROIT 


On January first, 1849, Cadwallader Colden Washburn 
married at Mineral Point Jeannette Garr of New York 
City. She was born in New York City, June g, 1818, 
and was the daughter of Andrew Sheffield Garr who in 
1805 had married Elizabeth Morell Sinclair (1788-1855). 
Mr. Garr was born in Auchencairn, Gallowayshire, Scot- 
land, in 1745. 

After the death of his mother he came to this country 
with his father, Andrew Garr; the elder was a shipbuilder 
and owned a lumberyard in addition to shipyards on the 
East River at the foot of Catherine Slip and in Rutgers 
Street. The son graduated from Columbia College 
(where he had Martin Van Buren as a classmate) in 1796. 
He became a lawyer and in connection with an obituary 
notice of his partner, Richard Wells, in the New York 
Times of March 22, 1863, is referred to as “One of the 
most astute lawyers because of being preéminently the 
most skillful special pleader of his day.” 

Andrew Sheffield Garr had fourteen children. Of these 
Catherine married Mortimer Jackson in 1838. He was a 
New York lawyer who settled at Mineral Point and 
ultimately became an important judge of the state. It 
was while visiting her sister, Mrs. Jackson, here that 
Jeannette met her future husband. 

Mr. and Mrs. Cadwallader Washburn after their wed- 
ding established themselves in Mineral Point. Two 
daughters were born to them, Jeannette, April 25, 1850, 
and Fanny in 1852. Because of an attack of puerperal 
fever following the birth of the second child, Mrs. Wash- 
burn’s health was permanently impaired. This neces- 
sitated the breaking up of her home and the sending of 
the children to Cadwallader’s parents in South Liver- 
more, Maine. 


318 Israel, Elihu and Cadwallader Washburn 


Mrs. Washburn died at Brookline, Mass., March 12, 
1909. She was buried in Walnut Hills Cemetery, Brook- 
line. 


In 1852 Washburn and Woodman started the Mineral 
Point Bank. It stood solvent through all panics and 
never suspended specie payments. 

On}, March 1, 1855, the partnership was dissolved 
when the bank became the sole property of Washburn. 
In breaking with Woodman, Washburn formally recorded 
the act saying, “Whereas they had been doing business 
as partners for upwards of ten years their intercourse had 
not been interrupted by any untoward circumstances and 
had been marked by a constant feeling of kindness and 
good will coupled with an unusual degree of unanimity of 
sentiment.” Washburn and Cyrus Woodman were friends 
to the end of Washburn’s life. The latter held no man in 
higher esteem than Woodman. 

Before Cadwallader was thirty-five years old he was the 
chief man of business in his part of Wisconsin. 


FIRST CONGRESSIONAL SERVICE 


Wisconsin became a state in 1848 and in 1854 Cadwal- 
lader Washburn was elected a representative in Congress 
from the second district, there being only two members 
from the state. He took his seat December 3, 1855, and 
served for three terms, six years, until March 3, 1861. 
His residence during four of those years was at Mineral 
Point, but the last two years he resided at La Crosse, the 
Prairie City to which he was much attached. His dis- 
trict embraced two-thirds of the territory of the state 
from Rock and Dane counties in the east to Lake Superior 
on the north. The idea of nominating Washburn orig- 
inated in Rock County and several citizens of the small 
town of Janesville wrote to ask him to become a candi- 
date. On August g, 1854, he replied that he could not 
promise to accept the nomination because of his business 
engagements, but if he should be nominated by a unan- 
imous vote of the delegates of his party he would con- 
sider the invitation. His nomination and acceptance 
followed. As an opponent, the Democrats offered the 
nomination to Cyrus Woodman, but he declined it. 
They then put up Dr. Otis Hoyd, of Hudson. At the 
subsequent elections Mr. Washburn’s opponents were 
Judge Samuel Crawford for the second election and Judge 
Charles Duncan for the third. All of them were men of 
good standing and strong candidates, but Washburn 
easily beat each one. 

When he entered Congress his brother Israel had been 
there four years and in 1861 he and Cadwallader left 
together. Elihu was serving his second term and when 

319 


320 ©=—s Israel, Elihu and Cadwallader Washburn 


Cadwallader returned to the House in 1867 after an ab- 
sence of six years Elihu was still there. Cadwallader was 
36 years old when he was elected, the same age as Elihu 
and Israel when they were elected to Congress. The 
effect of three brothers being in Congress at the same time 
was more important than was generally realized. Illinois, 
Wisconsin and Maine could help each other when they 
chose to do so. The brothers were, in fact, in full agree- 
ment on the more important measures coming before 
Congress, but in minor debates sometimes spoke in 
opposition to each other. Thus, in February, 1859, 
Israel defended the Coast Survey from the attacks which 
Cadwallader levelled against it. When he came to Con- 
gress Cadwallader lived with his brothers at 29 Indiana 
Avenue (as mentioned in connection with Israel Wash- 
burn), but afterwards they separated and during his last 
term Cadwallader had rooms at the Clarendon Hotel at 
the corner of sixth Street and Pennsylvania Avenue. 
When he entered Congress he was placed on the Com- 
mittee on Military Affairs. Israel was chairman of the 
Committee on Elections and Elihu chairman of the Com- 
mittee on Commerce. Finally, in his last session, Cad- 
wallader became chairman of the Committee on Private 
Land Claims. He was not a frequent speaker, but he be-_ 
came known as a useful member who attended carefully 
to the interests of his constituents. On December 3, 1858, 
he debated earnestly the claim of Georgia and Alabama 
for compensation for losses incurred in the Creek Indian 
outbreak in 1836 and 1837. The burden of his argument 
was that fraud had been perpetrated against the Indians 
by their removal from rich lands in Georgia to inferior 
lands in Alabama. He disclosed a knowledge of the sub- 
ject and a keen sympathy with the Indians. It was 


Cadwallader Colden Washburn 321 


only one of the numerous examples of his sympathetic 
nature. 

Passing over the details of legislation in which Wash- 
burn showed an interest in so far as they affected his 
state, and which had no permanent concern, we come to 
the most important act of his congressional service,— 
that in which with only one member to stand with him, he 
opposed and checked the progress of the slave power in 
Congress. 

When he came to Congress the Union was, apparently, 
approaching collapse. The Missouri Compromise had 
been repealed, and slavery was free to spread itself 
wherever it could find a foothold. The federal govern- 
ment was subservient to the slave-holders of the South. 
The bitterness of the sections against each other became 
stronger every day, and, finally, when the country elected 
Abraham Lincoln to be President, many Southerners 
declared that they would not remain a part of a Union 
over which a Republican opposed to slavery presided. As 
the tide swept on towards secession frantic efforts were 
made to stop it. Peace meetings, conventions and pro- 
posals of compromise followed one another at short 
intervals. It was after South Carolina had seceded that a 
final effort at accommodation was made by the House of 
Representatives. By an overwhelming majority it was 
agreed that a committee composed of a representative © 
from each state should be appointed to take the critical 
situation into consideration and suggest a remedy for it. 
Corwin of Ohio was appointed the chairman and Cadwal- 
lader Washburn was the member from Wisconsin. The 
meetings of the committee must have been acrimonious 
for hardly any two members agreed upon what ought to be 
done. Finally it made a report on January 14, 1861, 


322 Israel, Elihu and Cadwallader Washburn 


three days after Alabama, Florida, and Mississippi had 
joined South Carolina in secession. The most important 
feature of this report was a recommendation that the 
Constitution should be amended so that no alteration of it 
with respect to slavery could ever be made, unless it was 
proposed by a state in which slavery existed and should 
be agreed to by every state in the Union. This was the 
recommendation of a majority of the Committee of Thirty- 
three, as it was called. A minority report was submitted 
by Mason W. Tappan, a member from New Hampshire, 
and Cadwallader Washburn. It had been drawn up by 
Washburn. They offered this resolution: 

“That the provisions of the Constitution are ample for 
the preservation of the Union, and the protection of all 
the interests of the country; that it needs to be obeyed 
rather than amended, and our extrication from present 
difficulties is to be looked for in efforts to preserve and 
protect the public property and enforce the laws, rather 
than in new guaranties for particular interests, or com- 
promises or concessions to unreasonable demands.” On 
January 24, 1861, he made a long speech on the issue. 

“This resolution,” he said, ““expresses the conclusion of 
the small minority of the committee to which I belong. 
The majority of the committee have reported various 
propositions, but only four of them contemplate definite 
action. All of these propositions, Mr. Speaker, although 
not sanctioned at the final adoption of the report, were 
adopted singly during the sessions of the committee. I 
do not wish to place any one in a false position by saying 
that these propositions are the opinion of the majority of 
the select committee. They were adopted, as I have al- 
ready stated, one by one, by a majority then present, as 
they came up for consideration. 


Cadwallader Colden Washburn 323 


Now, sir, the propositions looking to definite action 
reported from the select committee are; a joint resolution 
to amend the Constitution of the United States; an act 
for the admission of New Mexico into the Union as a 
state; and an amendment to the fugitive slave law and the 
law relating to fugitives from justice. These propositions 
have been reported with sundry resolutions expressive 
merely of the opinions of members. Having been unable 
to concur in any one of these propositions, and not wishing 
to be regarded as an ultra or unreasonable man, I wish 
at this time to state the reasons why I could not concur 
with the measures here proposed for the consideration of 
the House. I will take the propositions in their order; 
and if I shall succeed in showing that all of the complaints 
which the propositions now offered are intended to remedy, 
are groundless, and that their adoption will only subject 
the people of the North to further derision and contempt, 
then, sir, I shall have accomplished all that I desire. I 
think I shall be enabled to show very clearly to the mem- 
bers of this house that the measures now submitted are 
wholly powerless for good, even if they were all to be 
adopted. 

“‘I have been a patient attendant on all the sittings 
of this committee; and it has been my desire to learn 
what were the troubles, what the difficulties, what the 
grievances which were complained of, and which required 
the remedial action of Congress. Although no two mem- 
bers could concur exactly in regard to the grievances 
complained of, yet upon being grouped together they 
amount to about this: first, it is complained that the 
North does not faithfully execute the fugitive slave law; 
second, it is complained that some of the non-slaveholding 
states have passed personal liberty bills; third, it is com- 


324 Israel, Elihu and Cadwallader Washburn 


plained on the part of the South that the people of the 
Southern States are deprived of equal rights with the 
people of the North in the territories of the United States; 
and it is alleged also, as a complaint against the North 
that fugitives from justice are not delivered up in ac- 
cordance with our obligations under the Constitution 
of the United States. These constitute the principal 
causes of complaint, except the further one that we have 
elected a President, who, it is claimed, is hostile to 
slavery. This last is believed to be the occasion for exist- 
ing treason and impending civil war; and as the committee 
propose no remedy whereby the minority shall rule the 
majority, I am justified in saying that the measures that 
they do propose will have no effect towards restoring 
peace to the country. 

“Sir, it is not pretended, it has never been pretended, 
that the Federal Government has legislated to the prej- 
udice of the people of the South. It has never been said, 
and with truth it cannot be said, that they have not had 
all their rights in this Government. Never, in a single 
instance, can it be maintained that Congress has refused 
to pass laws necessary for the security of their rights. 
For sixty out of seventy-two years since the Government 
was formed, they have controlled the Federal Govern- 
ment in all its departments,—legislative, executive, and 
judicial. They have so long been accustomed to regard 
themselves as specially appointed to rule this country, 
that they have forgotten how to obey, claiming to be 
exclusively the ruling class; and, grown haughty, proud, 
insolent, from the possession of power, they cannot brook 
the idea that a man who is peculiarly the representative 
of the great laboring classes should be at the head of the 
executive department of the Government. 


Cadwallader Colden Washburn Rak 


“We know full well, Mr. Speaker, what will restore 
peace. If we will yield up for all time to come the control 
of the Government to those who, with small exceptions, 
have ruled it heretofore; give them the Executive; allow 
them to retain the legislative and judicial departments, 
and dictate our foreign and domestic policy, they will no 
doubt return to their allegiance and save the Union. 
Sir, their terms of salvage are enormous, and cannot be 
acceded to. To show that they mean to control the Gov- 
ernment or destroy it, I beg to read the following extract 
from a letter from a United States Senator from the State 
of Alabama, (Mr. Clay) to friends in South Carolina, 
written a short time since. He says, speaking of the 
people of the North: 

“*They are the most bitter, relentless, and vindictive 
enemies we have on earth. ... Of course, we cannot 
live under the same Government with these people, un- 
less we could control it.’ 

“There, sir, you have the conclusion of the whole matter 
expressed in concise language. The whole thing is in a 
nutshell. We must control the Government, or we will 
not live under it. The question, then, stares the people 
of the North full in the face. Will they pass their too 
obedient necks beneath the southern yoke, or will they 
assert their manhood, and refuse to purchase either 
continued union or peace at any such price? No, sir; 
let us have disunion, and, if need be, civil war, rather than 
dishonor.” 

Passing to the specific complaints of the South he in- 
sisted that, odious as it was, the northern states had 
executed the fugitive slave law. The proposition of the 
committee that another and more drastic law be enacted 
was insulting to the North. 


326 Israel, Elihu and Cadwallader Washburn 


“Tf you will give us no amendment which is an im- 
provement on the old law, then let that stand as a memo- 
rial of the barbarous age that passed it. 

“But, Mr. Speaker, it is said that the North has passed 
personal liberty bills, which give cause to the Southern 
States to secede. The committee do not propose any 
legislative action in regard to these bills any further than 
to request the States that have passed them to repeal 
them. I am opposed to the resolution reported on this 
subject. I regard it as an unwarrantable interference 
with the rights of the States. I have been pleased to 
notice that the southern gentlemen on this committee who 
have joined in making reports are very careful to say 
nothing about these personal liberty bills. They are too 
smart to put themselves on paper as advocating that 
Congress should interfere with what strictly belongs to a 
State. They do not even speak of them as grounds of 
complaint. I do not oppose this resolution because I 
would recommend to any State to pass unconstitutional 
laws, or laws which will in effect impair the rights of any 
State in this Union, or the citizens of any State; but 
because it is the province of the States themselves to 
judge, and that without any outside interference, as to 
what they owe to their own citizens, and what to other 
States of the Confederacy.. I am willing that it should 
be left to the States themselves to determine what laws 
it is necessary to pass, and what they ought to forbear to 
pass. If they pass unconstitutional laws, they are merely 
as so much blank paper, and can harm no one. If they 
pass unconstitutional laws, the Constitution itself pro- 
vides a way to determine that question; and it does not 
confer upon Congress the right to decide what laws are 
constitutional and what are not. When the constitutional 


Cadwallader Colden Washburn 327 


tribunal shall decide what laws are unconstitutional, I 
have no doubt that any State in the Union which has 
passed such laws will repeal them, or make them conform 
to the Constitution. 

“But, sir, these gentlemen of the South have been so 
long in the habit of controlling the Federal Government, 
that they now desire to go into the States, and indicate 
to them what laws they must pass and what they must 
not pass. And though they are careful in their reports 
to say nothing in advocacy of this idea, yet such is shown 
to be their desire by the resolution they report. Sir, it is 
an interference which the States may very properly 
resent. 

“The committee have also recommended the passage 
of a resolution requesting the southern States to revise 
their laws, and if necessary to pass laws to protect northern 
citizens from mobs. I am opposed to this resolution for 
the same reason that I refuse to vote for the resolution 
relating to the personal liberty bills. I will do no Southern 
State the injustice to suppose that they have not passed 
all the laws necessary to protect our citizens from the 
action of mobs. If the laws are not executed, it is because 
the public sentiment there overrides the law; and it is in 
vain to pass laws, or recommend their passage, unless 
there is a public sentiment to sustain them.” 

Concerning the proposed amendment to the Constitu- 
tion he said: 

‘. . . There is no gentleman upon the committee from 
the seceding States who will say that this amendment 
will have any effect towards allaying our unfortunate 
difficulties. What is the proposed amendment? It pro- 
poses that we shall never interfere with the institution 
of slavery in the States; never until a certain contingency 


328 Israel, Elihu and Cadwallader Washburn 


arises, which never can arise until all the States shall 
sanction such a proposition. Now, sir, I listened to the 
argument of the gentleman from Ohio (Mr. Corwin) 
yesterday upon that proposition; and his argument 
demonstrated to my mind most conclusively that such an 
amendment ought not to pass. He demonstrated that 
there was no necessity whatever for any such provision 
in the Constitution. 

“It is well known that neither the Republican party, nor 
any party at the North, proposes to interfere with the 
institution of slavery in the States. They do not claim 
to have any such power. Under the Constitution, as it 
now is, the people of the North have no right to interfere 
with the institution of slavery in the States, and they have 
no desire to do it. But southern gentlemen say that we 
shall acquire the power and alter the Constitution in that 
regard. The argument of the gentleman from Ohio 
(Mr. Corwin) was conclusive that that time cannot 
arrive for fifty years, and, perhaps, never. He showed 
that we could not take the first step towards amending 
the Constitution, on the subject of slavery, until we had 
forty-five States in the Union,—an event which can hardly 
be anticipated. I say, then that he demonstrated con- 
clusively that there is no necessity for this amendment 
of the Constitution; and every gentleman who listened to 
him must be satisfied that there is no such necessity even 
though any party desired to interfere with slavery in the 
States. It is useless to submit such an amendment to the 
people, not only because it is unnecessary, but because it is 
a humiliating proposition to the people of the North. 
It is equivalent to declaring that you do not believe what 
they say, and that you think they do design to interfere 
with the question of slavery in the States, although you 


Cadwallader Colden Washburn 329 


know full well the time is far distant when they could do 
it even had they the disposition. 

“The people of the North will not accept such an 
amendment. Why, then, do you want to agitate the 
question further, when you know no good can come of it? 
In my judgment, such an amendment of the Constitution 
will not be adopted by the people of the North,—not 
because they have any desire, or claim that they have any 
right to interfere with the institution of slavery in the 
States,—but because they believe you have no right to 
demand from them any such bonds for their good be- 
havior; and for that reason they will vote it down. They 
feel in regard to it, no doubt, as I do. I certainly shall 
vote against any such amendment here or elsewhere, and 
yet I have not the slightest design or desire to interfere 
with slavery in the States. I protest against the possession 
of any such power by the people of the North. Why, then, 
do you wish to keep the country in an angry discussion 
for the next one or two years over this amendment, when 
no possible good can grow out of it, only absolute evil?” 

After disposing of the proposition to admit New Mexico 
as a state, which he said was simply designed to introduce 
additional slave representation in the Senate and thus 
strengthen the slave power, he took up, incidentally, 
the so-called Crittenden Compromise which had been 
offered a few months before and which in effect divided 
the country between slavery and freedom and said: 

“Mr. Speaker, we are invited to adopt the proposition 
of Mr. Crittenden, or of the border-State, self-constituted 
committee,—which I regard as virtually the same thing, 
and equally objectionable. We are invited to abandon the 
Republican platform, to abandon all our principles, and 
take our position on a platform which shall guaranty that 


330 «= Israel, Elihu and Cadwallader Washburn 


we will protect slavery in all the territory south of the 
line 36-30’. I do not know that I fully understand your 
border-State proposition. I think it does not apply to 
territory to be acquired in the future. I care not. Adopt 
that proposition; and if you acquire territory hereafter, it 
will be contended and maintained, and truthfully, that 
the intention was that all the country south of the Missouri 
line should be given up to slavery. (A Voice on the Dem- 
ocratic side. ‘Certainly.’) We are approached very 
plausibly in this regard. Gentlemen say that, under the 
decision of the Supreme Court of the United States, they 
have not the right to go with their slaves into all the 
Territories of the United States, whether north or south 
of the Missouri line. The Supreme Court has decided 
that they have that right. But they say that we of the 
Republican party dispute that right; and that, there- 
fore, they want it put in the Constitution. They say 
that, although it is their right to go with their slaves into 
the territory north of the Missouri line, yet they are willing 
to be magnanimous, and to give up to freedom the country 
north of that line. We do not thank them for their liberal- 
ity. We have vindicated our right to the country north 
of the Missouri line; so that, in conceding that to us, they 
really concede us nothing. I will say to these gentlemen, 
Timeo Danaos et dona ferentes. 1 fear you when bearing 
gifts. 

“*T have, then, sir, I think, examined all the projects and 
propositions of the majority of the committee that pro- 
pose definite action, and I believe they are powerless for 
good. Southern gentlemen say they are powerless except 
one, and that is the proposition to amend the Constitu- 
tion. That proposition, as I have endeavored to show, 
is unnecessary, as the Constitution cannot be changed in 


Cadwallader Colden Washburn 331 


that particular until we have at least sixty states admitted 
into the Union. I see, therefore, no reason for it, nor can 
I give my sanction to turning the North upside down in 
discussing this amendment of the Constitution. 

“Sir, nothing will do any good that does not allow 
these gentlemen of the South to control the Government. 
You can make up your minds to that point. If you are 
willing to concede that, you will have peace at once, and 
South Carolina, which has gone out of the Union never 
to return, will come right straight back again. It is not 
claimed by these southern States,—by those cotton 
States,—that they are compelled to contribute an undue 
proportion for the support of the General Government. 
The truth is, they have been so long in the habit of believ- 
ing that Cotton is king that they have come to entertain 
the idea that the world could not get along without them; 
that they control the destinies of the world... . 

“Sir, I have no special dread in regard to the future of 
this Republic. Civil war may come, disunion and dis- 
solution may come, but I pray God to deliver us from 
both; but, sir, whatever may come, I have an abiding 
faith in a kind Providence that has ever watched over us, 
that passing events will be all overruled for good and for 
the welfare of mankind in this and other lands. Gentle- 
men may talk about reconstructing this Government after 
it shall have been broken up and destroyed—I tell them 
no. If this Government is destroyed, it will not be re- 
constructed on the basis on which it now stands. Gentle- 
men may as well understand right here that if the Govern- 
ment is to be reconstructed, the people of the North will 
have a word to say as to the basis of that reconstruction, 
and no new union wil lbe formed that does not give them 
terms of perfect equality. If this Union must be dissolved, 


332 Israel, Elihu and Cadwallader Washburn 


whether by peaceable secession or through fire and blood 
and civil war, we shall have the consolation of knowing 
that when the conflict is over, those who survive it will be, 
what they never have been, inhabitants of a free country.” 


PART IN CIVIL WAR 


The story of Cadwallader Washburn’s military career 
cannot be told here except in outline; to enter upon a 
detailed account would involve writing a history of 
military operations extending over a vast area. He de- 
clined a renomination to Congress and early in December, 
1861, began recruiting the second regiment of Wisconsin 
cavalry, having been commissioned a colonel on October 
10, 1861. He had no military training, but in this respect 
was as well equipped as his brother officers. As we know 
he had had military aspirations when a boy and these 
were now satisfied. He threw himself into the work of 
making his regiment ready for service with characteristic 
energy. His brother, Elihu, was a tower of strength in 
helping him. Elihu in Washington, the center of military 
administration, assigned to the Wisconsin colonel all 
that was necessary for his regiment. Cadwallader wrote 
to Elihu, December 27, 1861, that he would have the finest 
regiment in the West so long as he was not interfered with. 
As his work went on he grew very impatient and thought 
of going on General Grant’s staff in order to see active 
warfare. “I feel anxious to participate in a battle,” he 
wrote January 22, 1862. “‘This holiday soldiering I do 
not fancy. It is pleasant enough but not profitable to the 
country. I must demonstrate that my patriotism is not 
all put on.” He joined General Grant at Fort Donaldson 
and found him “very cordial.’”’ He wrote his brother 


Elihu from there March 3, 1862: 


The public cannot over estimate the importance of the 
victory here. It is in my judgment of more practical im- 


333 


334 Israel, Elihu and Cadwallader Washburn 


portance than all other battles that have been won by our 
army. The capture of this point was the capture virtually 
of Nashville, and settled the rebellion throughout the 
valley of the Mississippi. .. . 


He became a staunch adherent of Grant. As time went 
on the mismanagement and dishonesty he saw, filled him 
with savage disgust and he expressed his opinions with 
usual violence. He gave Elihu all the information he 
could convey and Elihu must have been one of the best 
informed men in Congress on the subject of the army in 
the West. Thus, from Fort Henry, March 7, 1862, he 


wrote: 


To-day Genl. Grant received a dispatch from Genl. 
Halleck saying that his course here was strongly censured 
by Genl. McClellan and the authorities at Washington, 
and that he was advised to place him under arrest. The 
last he did not do, he relieved him from the command of the 
Expedition, and he will remain for the present in command 
here, with one or two Regts. The pretense was that he had 
no business to have gone up to Nashville, and that he had 
not furnished daily reports of the strength of his command. 
The pretense is frivolous and contemptible, and the last 
I am assured is destitute of truth. The idea of a man 
commanding and directing here who is a thousand miles 
away is simply absurd. The truth, I have no doubt, is 
that they wanted an opportunity to prevent Genl. Grant 
from winning any more victories. ‘Their excuse is far- 
fetched. I have seen the credit of planning the capture of 
Henry and Donaldson claimed both for McClellan and 
Halleck. I have seen the correspondence which shows that 
Genl. Grant called Halleck’s attention especially to both 
points and desired to be allowed to take them. I much 
doubt if McClellan knew of the existence of either Fort. 


The Second Wisconsin Cavalry left the state for active 
service on March 24, 1862, and went to Benton Barracks 


Cadwallader Colden Washburn 335 


near St. Louis for final equipment. Washburn desired the 
appointment to brigadier general in hope that he might 
serve under General Grant and “have a show,” as he 
expressed it. After he had been at Benton Barracks a 
few weeks a report reached him that his regiment might be 
ordered to New Mexico. This filled him with alarm. It 
would offer “‘no field for distinction,” he said. 


To Exrpu B. WasHBuURNE 


Benton Barracks, April 9, 1862 

Dear Brother: Yours of the 6th is recd. On reflection 
after I last wrote you and seeing Brigadierships so cheap 
and that it was a badge of dishonor rather than honor I 
told Harvey that I would not be an applicant. To-day we 
have news of the great battle in Tennessee. It makes 
Grant the man of the war, and will put out Halleck’s pipe. 
He did not mean that this battle should be fought until he 
got there. I have been praying for some days to have 
Beauregard attack, as I was satisfied that Grant had orders 
not to, but the intent was not to allow him to win any more 
laurels. You say that I ought to have remained with him. 
That I could not do after my Regt. was ordered to move. 
Besides I had rather have a command of a Regt. than be on 
anybody’s staff. If this battle in Tennessee is as decisive 
as we suppose, I guess that the rebellion has about gone up. 
I don’t see now much prospect of my Regt. getting beyond 
here and shall not be surprised if we are disbanded in 60 
GAYS ise. 


Perhaps Colonel Washburn did not really expect the 
war to end immediately. He wrote to his brothers 
recklessly, saying anything that passed in his mind when 
he had his pen in hand and criticizing freely. Sometimes 
the criticisms represented his judgment but more fre- 
quently showed the unrestrained mood of the writer. 


336 «= Israel, Elihu and Cadwallader Washburn 


The pride he took in his regiment was a genuine convic- 
tion. On June 6, 1862, he said: 

“Thus far campaigning has gone well with me. My 
health is excellent and my command I am proud of. I 
have good men and good horses and I am certain that I 
have the best swordsmen in the service.” 

Washburn was commissioned a brigadier general 
July 16, 1862, but before that he was doing brigadier’s 
duty. He began active fighting in the summer of that 


year. 
To Exuinu B. WasHBURNE 


Post Head Quarters, Helena Ark. July 15, 1862 

Dear Brother: I write to say that I am here tho. not 
in the best of health, tho. better than when I arrived. I 
had a very hard march from Springfield Mo. the details 
of which I cannot give you until I feel better. When I 
overtook Genl. Curtis he was on the move and had heard 
that a large fleet of transports with one or two gun boats 
was waiting for us at Clarendon on White River. We were 
nearly out of supplies and on short allowance and hastened 
our march to reach our boats, fighting a battle and dis- 
persing a rebel force of five thousand who disputed our 
passage. When we got to Clarendon what was our con- 
sternation to find that the boats had mysteriously aban- 
doned us to our fate and left the day before. It only 
remained for us to starve or cut our way to the Miss. Gen. 
Curtis decided to strike for the Miss. He gave me an 
advance guard of 2,500 Cavalry and six Mountain Howit- 
zers, and I left at 4 o’clock A. M. and forced my way 
through some sixty miles in 24 hours. I hailed the first 
Boat and sent to Memphis for supplies, and started an- 
other for the lost fleet. The Army has now safely come up, 
and supplies are now arriving. The faux pas made by the 
Boats changes all our plans. Had we but our supplies we 
should have been in Little Rock by this time, and Hindman 
would have been a fugitive. When I came here I took up 
my headquarters at the splendid residence of Genl. Hind- 


Cadwallader Colden Washburn 337 


man, but gave it up to Genl. Curtis on his arrival, and I 
now have fine quarters in a more central part of the town. 
I have command of the post here. I am not advised as to 
my confirmation as a brigadier. How is it? I have been 
doing the hardest kind of a brigadier’s duty ever since I 
left Springfield. Write me here. While at Clarendon we 
heard fearful rumors about the reverses of McClellan, and 
as our boat had left without leaving any word for us we 
did not know what to think—I have stood the fatigues of 
the Campaign well until the last few days, when with 
forced marches, sleeping in swamps and nothing but 
putrid water, I was getting badly run down. I think I 
shall recruit now, tho my place is not an easy one. Fora 
month we were entirely cut off from news, and very meager 
is what we have got since we came here. 


On July 20 he wrote in a little different vein to his 
children. 
Post Headquarters, Helena Ark. 

. . . If you wish to know where I have marched you 
must take the map of Arkansas and Missouri which you 
will find in Uncle Sylvester’s office. Look on the map of 
Missouri and find Springfield. From there I marched to 
Ozark and had a little battle. From there to Forsyth on 
White River to Jacksonport. Here I crossed Rock River 
on a Pontoon Bridge and met Gen. Curtis’ Army. From 
here the army meandered down to Clarendon, meeting and 
clearing out the enemy on the way; when we got to Claren- 
endon we were greatly disappointed at not finding Steam 
Boats with provisions as we were nearly out. I then had 
to take 2500 cavalry and six small cannon to come through 
to here, sixty miles, in double quick time. Arrangements 

_ for something for the army to eat had to be made. We 
are all right now. 

When shall I see you again? I don’t know. It seems 
as though this war would never end. I pray to get home 
once more. 

I hope that you will improve your time well and shall 
expect that you will have become quite accomplished by the 


338 


Israel, Elihu and Cadwallader Washburn 


time [ return. You must apply yourselves well to your 
music and be able to sing and play well. Write me when 
the next term will begin. I shall direct this to La Crosse as 
I expect that you are at home by this time. You must 
write me every week and tell me all the news. 
With much love, 
Your affectionate father. 


And on September 14 from the same place to Elihu B. 
Washburne. 


Our condition here is gloomy as elsewhere. Our army 
is in unclothed condition, and in most incompetent hands. 
It has lost much by the absence of Gen. Curtis. You can 
judge by that of the material of our Generals. .. . 

If the management of the war could be given to the 
volunteers exclusively, we would soon end the war. 

Grant is the only regular Army Genl. worth a cuss— 
He will fight and is not intent on preventing the war from 
being ended unless the regular Army officers can have the 


PMONOE OLA! wise 


On the same day he wrote another letter to Elihu. 


I go to-morrow in Command of a Division on an impor- 
tant and dangerous expedition. In case I should not return 
alive, I have placed $1,000 in the hands of a gentleman to 
send you to be paid over to Young. If I return alive I shall 
be able to pay Dean as I proposed. 

The name of the gentleman I have left the money with 
is A. Bascom, a friend of J. B. Worrick. I hope you will 
hear a good acct. of us. 


To Exuinuv B. WAsHBURNE 


Helena, Nov. 25, 1862 
On the 27th we shall leave here with about 7,000 men 
to cooperate with Grant. Shall land about Io miles below 
here in Miss., and shall move the whole force about 40 


Cadwallader Colden Washburn 339 


miles into Miss. to the crossing of Tallahatchie River and 
from there I propose to make a sudden dash with about 
2,000 cavalry on Grenada. The principal object will be 
to break up the rail roads north of Grenada and in the 
rear of Price and Pemberton’s Army. The country I have 
got to cross I have but little information in regard to. 
What I have leads to the belief that it will be attended with 
great difficulty and danger, but I think the object will 
justify a good deal of risk. Much of the route is over low 
swampy land, and I expect I shall find many obstacles in 
the way, but hazzards must be incurred if we expect to 
accomplish anything. The expeditions to White River the 
other day proved a failure as we found an impassable bar 
in the river, to the ascent of our boats, and it was not 
possible for us to reach the “ Port of Arkansas,”’ a fortified 
port on Arkansas River, without our boats. We retraced 
our steps with great reluctance. ... 


This expedition was a success. Washburn dislodged the 
Confederate force and opened the Yazoo Pass. 

By December 7 he had returned from his Mississippi 
raid. He wrote to Elihu December g: “I stampeded the 
entire rebel army. Was in many a tight place, but got 
out well.” 

From Memphis he wrote to Elihu on December 13: 


I came here this morning from Helena, my object being 
to find out what move Grant and Sherman had in view, 
and how rapidly they would probably move down through 
Miss. I found that Sherman had moved back here with 
one division of his army, and is going to move down the 
Miss. Part of the Army at Helena will go with him and we 
shall take Vicksburgh. While the Army menaces Vicks- 
burgh, I expect to land 100 miles above with 5,000 men and 
make for the Yazoo and capture and destroy the rebel Gun 
Boats there. The move is a hard one but of great impor- 
tance and I hopeto carry it through successfully. If I doand 


340 


Israel, Elihu and Cadwallader Washburn 


can see Vicksburgh fall, the hard work in the west is done, 
and IJ shall be willing to retire. I see by a paper that a Genl. 
Washburn’s name is mentioned for Sec. of Interior. Should 
the Reps. from Minnesota, Iowa, Wis. and Ills. favor that, 
it might win. I don’t know why they will not favor it. 
Gen. Sherman is vastly pleased with the success of my 
Miss. expedition. He admits that it saved them a big 
fight and large loss of life. Their fortifications at Abbeville 
were very extensive and strong. The moment they heard 
of me in their rear, they broke on a double quick. The 
march made by me exceeds anything in the war, and such 
results as have followed, are a thousand times in excess 
of the force I had employed. All the work was done with 
less than 2,000 men. 


To Exvigu B. WasHBURNE 


Head Quarters 3rd Div. D. E. A. Helena Jan. 28, 1863 

Gen. Grant was here last night on his way to Vicksburgh. 
I saw him for a short time. He looks well and feels pretty 
well, but feels that he has got a heavy job on his hands. 
The high water and overflowed country render it very 
difficult to operate now on land, and Vicksburgh can only 
be taken by a great sacrifice, except by a land force in the 
rear. 

Gen. Grant proposes to give me a command at Vicks- 
burgh as soon as anything can be done there. In the mean 
time I shall remain with my Cavalry division here... . 

As I do the duties of a Maj. Genl. and as our State has 
none (unless Schurz has been apptd.) I don’t see why I 
may not as well be promoted as any body. The State has 
furnished 45,000 troops, and has only five Brigadiers. 
Why should not Wisconsin be as well used as any other 
State? If I did not feel as competent for that position as 
Carl Schurz, or most other Maj. Genls. that have been 
apptd., I wouldn’t say it. That I can say with a very 
moderate estimate of my ability. I will say further that 
had I had the command of the Arkansas army for the past 
six months there would not now be an enemy west of the 


Cadwallader Colden Washburn 341 


Miss. River. Such trifling as I have witnessed has been 
most discouraging to all men of common sense. .. . 


As Wisconsin was entitled to several brigadier generals, 
it was natural Washburn should have been one of them. 
As a matter of fact he had been commissioned (November 
29, 1862) a Major General of Volunteers. 

The General who was fighting the enemy so hard and 
devising means to conquer was not unmindful of the 
miseries the war was inflicting upon the enemy. To his 
daughter, Nettie (Jeannette) he wrote March 8, 1863: 


You, my dear, who are living so pleasantly and quietly 
at home have little idea of the misery and unhappiness that 
war brings. Just imagine ten or twenty thousand rude 
men coming into La Crosse some morning and taking 
possession of the town, going into houses of the people and 
helping themselves to whatever they want, burning 
houses, killing cattle, hogs, sheep, chickens, and almost 
everything they see, destroying furniture,—and you will 
have a pretty good idea of the march of an army through 
a country. ‘The people here are paying dearly for their 
wickedness in trying to destroy our government. 


From Memphis in the spring of 1863 Washburn watched 
the course of events with increasing impatience and 


anxiety. He wrote to Elihu April 11, 1863 (Memphis): 


This campaign is being badly managed. I am sure of it. 
I fear a calamity before Vicksburgh. All Grant’s schemes 
have failed. He knows that he has got to do something or 
off goes his head. My impression is that he intends to 
attack in front. If he does it may succeed but it is the act 
of a desperate man and nine chances out of ten are that our 
Army will be slaughtered. The past six months has been 
worse than thrown away, as I could show you. I make no 


342 


Israel, Elihu and Cadwallader Washburn 


pretensions to military Science, but I claim to have some 
Common Sense. I say that Grant with the means he has 
had should have taken V. long ago. There is but one way 
to take it. I could show you how it can be speedily taken. 
Grant is a good fighter. . . . I say to you that I am dis- 
tressed at our prospects and cannot sleep nights for thinking 
of these things. Time seems to be no object here. I have 
been here four days and yet have not been able to get a 
list of the troops to compose my command. You are 
responsible for Grant. You must go to see him and talk 
with him. He can do no less than tell you what his plans 
are. As one after another of the schemes fail, I hear that 
he says he has a plan of his own which is yet to be tried in 
which he has great confidence. Vicksburgh is now the 
strongest point in the Southern Confed. by all odds. The 
fleet has backed out of the Yazoo Pass. That should have 
been an overwhelming success, and I am mortified and 
humiliated at its miscarriage—Come down I pray you. 


To Exvinu B. WasHBURNE 


Headquarters, 13th Army Corps Carrollton, La. Sept. 5, 1863 


Gen Grant reviewed this Corps yesterday accompanied 
by Gen. Banks and Thomas. We had a fine review and all 
passed off well until the review was over. The soldiers re- 
ceived Gen. Grant very enthusiastically. After the review 
was over and Gen. Grant was returning to the city his horse 
fell and injured him severely. I saw him last night. He 
was suffering a good deal, but the surgeons think that the 
injury is not of a serious character and that he may be around 
shortly. 


I have yours making some remarks in regard to a Pres- 
dential Candidate. I take no large amount of stock in your 
Company at present, and I regret to say that in looking the 
field over I can see no one that fills the bill properly. It 
seems to be a necessity that we should take up a military 
man. Grant has the prestige of success and so far is the 


Cadwallader Colden Washburn 343 


very man, but he is anything but a statesman to say nothing 
about some other points. I reserve my judgment at pres- 
ent hoping that some man may yet tower up along and 
above the steep... . 


Again on the subject of General Grant he wrote Septem- 
ber 11, 1862, from Carrollton, La: “I have already told you 
that I take no stock in him as a Presidential candidate. 
I can tell you why another time.” 

In the Battle of Grand Coteau Washburn distinguished 
himself when he saved the 4th Division under General 
Stephen G. Beerbridge from destruction. When Vicks- 
burg surrendered he was put in command of the 13th 
Corps and sent to the Department of the Gulf. On 
November 29, 1863, he landed on the coast of Texas with 
2800 men and compelled the evacuation of Fort Esperanza, 
an armoured fort garrisoned by 1000 men and supposed 
to be a most difficult point to capture. He hardly spoke 
of these exploits in his letters. Towards the close of 
the war he became extremely anxious concerning the 
Presidency. 

In January, 1864, Washburn went home for sixty days. 
Then he went to Annapolis to help reorganize the gth 
Corps to which he was assigned. 


To E.igu B. WasHBURNE 


La Crosse, Wis. Feb. 21, 1864 

Useless must be carefull. Abe has the people with 
him, and if Grant allows himself to be fooled by the Copper- 
head Democracy, he is ruined. No man however loyal, can 
live with such friends. ... I am getting my affairs in 
good shape, so as to swing entirely clear this summer. I 
have cleared out all my lands on Chippewa waters, and 
Mill at Waumbeck to Knapp Stout & Co. I gave the 
thing away, but there was no help. 


344 


Israel, Elihu and Cadwallader Washburn 


To Euigu B. WasHBURNE 


La Crosse, Feb. 26, 1864 

Touching Ulysses S. Grant I think you have crowded 
him about as hard as he will bear and anything more looks 
fulsome. 

He’s a good man, and we all know it now, and we don’t 
want to be told many times what we know already. He 
should be cautioned how he allows himself to be seen in 
company with such dogs as get round him in St. Louis. 
Abe has got the people, there’s no doubt of it. Is Chase a 
fool hte 


After this he was ordered to take command at Memphis 
to relieve Stephen A. Hurlburt and wrote: 


Exvinu B. WASHBURNE 


Head Quarters Dist. of W. Tenn. Memphis, Tenn. Apl. 23, 1864 


I arrived this morning. Found that Gen. Hurlburt 
had left before I got here. Persons report to me the exist- 
ence of a very bad state of things, and my arrival has been 
greeted with a good deal of satisfaction. The amount of 
contraband trade that has been carried on through this 
point is enormous. I suppose that there is hardly any 
article that the rebels need that they could not get here. 
The policy of allowing any trade to go beyond our lines 
I have always fought against, and believe that it has been 
most mischievous. For every dollar’s benefit that the 
treasury will derive from allowing trade, we shall have to 
pay thousands of dollars additional expense in crushing the 
rebellion. ‘The people who come here to trade are all 
rebels. We have hardly a true union friend outside of 
Memphis in West Tenn. The policy of fighting rebels, 
and furnishing them with food, clothing, and munitions 
of war at the same time I do not understand. If I had my 
way there should not a pound of cotton come into our 
lines, or a dollar’s worth of goods go out so long as the war 
lasts. /f/'. 


Cadwallader Colden Washburn 345 


I find matters tolerably quiet here, but there is something 
in the wind. I have reliable information, that Forrest, after 
running his prisoners and plunder down into Miss. has 
returned to West Tenn. with all his force, about 8,000, and 
is now at or near Jackson. I am very weak, only about 
2,000 very poor Cavalry, 2500 White Infantry, and 3,500 
Colored troops. I am nearly too weak to do anything but 
act on the defensive, but I think that as soon as I can get 
some horses shod, I shall make a dash. Jackson is I00 
miles from here. I shall take what Cavalry I can raise, and 
shall put 2000 White and 500 Colored Infantry into wagons 
and start in pursuit. Gen. Sturgis has been ordered here 
to command the Cavalry and I look for him hourly. I 
lament that I have not more means at my disposal... . 


To Exvigu B. WasHBURNE 


Head-Quarters District of West Tennessee, 
Memphis, Tenn., May 8, 1864 

Dear Brother: Forrest is retreating as rapidly as his 
horses will carry him. My forces pursued him as far as 
Ripley, when from utter want of forage further pursuit was 
useless. 

The day after my forces left him, viz., on Sunday the Ist, 
Forrest left Jackson for the South. Look atthe map. You 
will see that by reason of the flood in the Hatchie, his only 
retreat was via Pardy. I foresaw this position, and asked 
Gen. Sherman to send an infantry force which he had at 
Cairo to land at Crumps Landing and move to Pardy the 
same time I moved from here. I was led to believe that the 
force would be sent, but it was not, tho. it might have been 
as well as not. In consequence Forrest was able to get 
South of Hatchie and escape. Forrest with four or five 
thousand men was at Pardy Monday night retreating 
South. The Infantry force which I requested, should 
have been there 24 hours before, thus effectually shutting 
him in between the Tenn. and Miss. with Hatchie south 
of him and so swollen that to cross any where below Bolivar 
was impossible. I have driven him out of the State, but 


346 


Israel, Elihu and Cadwallader Washburn 


that does not satisfy me.. I meant to have destroyed him. 
There is now no enemy in my District, and is not likely to 
be soon. In two days IJ shall issue an order stopping all 
trade. 

Who is to command the 16th Corps? I should have it, 
unless the Dept. of the Gulf is given me. I know that I can 
handle that Dept. better than any man who is likely to be 
sent there. I should like to clean out that nest of corrup- 
tion. ... If I could have command of those troops on 
their arrival at N. O. I would guarantee that it should not 
be ten days before I had the Army before Mobile, with safe 
Communications opened with the Gulf at Pascagoula. 
With the miserable slow loading there, if any such move is 
desired, they will be a month making it. I will send you 
my trade order as soon as issued. Ben Wade said he would 
back me. I told him what I was going to do. I shall hear 
a howl that will rend the welkin when the order comes out. 
Get Wade to offer a resolution if you can, approving it as 
the true policy to be pursued. 


To Eurau B. WasHBuRNE 


Head Quarters District of West Tennessee 
Memphis, Tenn., May 16, 1864 


I regret to say that my health is not good. I get out 
of bed to write this. I have chills and fever. I thought ten 
days ago that I had broken them up, but they have come 
back and I feel pretty miserable. I have had a world of 
work to do since I came here. I send you a copy of my 
last order issued this morning. ‘This course I have taken 
has pleased the few loyal men here, but the Army of Jews, 
speculators and smugglers, are down on me, as I expected 
they would be, but I shall trot them right strait through 
unless I am overruled by higher authority. The amount 
of money involved is immense and they will die hard. I 
have taken pains to ascertain the probable amount of 
trade from here, that goes into rebel lines, and I am satisfied 
that it will reach $36,000,000 a year. 


Cadwallader Colden Washburn 347 


General Slocum, who has lately taken command at 
Vicksburgh, and who I learn will cooperate with me and 
Gen. Buford at Helena, is all right and will do all he can 
to help break up the rascality that is being practiced on the 
Miss. Chase has got the biggest lot of Scallawags employed 
that the world affords. .. . 


To Extinuv B. WasHBuRN 


Head-Quariers District of West Tennessee, 
Memphis, Tenn., Aug. 25, 1864 


I suppose Govt. intends to go into the business of buying 
Cotton and paying the “Secesh”’ Scoundrels $1.50 per lb. 
under gun law. To that I must consent. My plan will 
give Govt. at least $100,000,000 in the next year clear 
profit, while the voucher given the seller for 4 the purchase 
money will act as a bond for his good behavior. I have 
considered this matter well, and believe my plan will 
commend itself to the good sense of the people of the 
country, as it does to all to whom I have submitted it. 
Talk with Fessenden. We had a big thing here on Sunday 
morning and ran a very narrow escape, indeed it was almost 
a miracle that I was not either killed or captured. One 
main drive of the Expedition was to catch me. Forrest 
fooled A. J. Smith very badly, leaving his immediate front 
at Oxford and making a dash at Memphis without Smith 
knowing it, tho. he had 4500 Cavalry with him. Had not 
Smith disregarded my orders he would have caught 
Forrest on his retreat. The whole Expedition was barren 
of fruits. They were in so great a hurry to get away that 
they carried off hardly anything. I lost two: fine horses, 
which is about the biggest loss of anybody... . 


In December, 1864, he was ordered to take command of 
the district of Vicksburg and it was from there he wrote 
to his daughter. 


348 


Israel, Elihu and Cadwallader Washburn 


Headquarters, District of Vicksburg, 
Vicksburg, Miss., Dec. 20, 1864 

My dear Nettie: . . . The officers and soldiers here, as 
well as the people, appear to be quite as merry as they 
ought to be, and are having many grand balls and parties, 
one of which I attended the other night. It was. gay and 
festive yet I did not much enjoy it. While there is mourning 
throughout the land, and nearly every fireside has its 
vacant chair, it seems almost wicked to be dancing and 
rejoicing. But I think on the whole it is better to laugh than 
cry. I reckon that we had better be as happy as we can. 
But dear Nettie, I feel much of the time very sad. My 
position as Commander at Memphis, and now here, brings 
me in contact with all the people who have grievances to 
complain of, and I am thus made acquainted with all their 
sorrows, and every day has its tale of woe. You have no 
idea of the terrible punishment these people have brought 
upon themselves, nor can I give you any adequate idea 
of it. The people of Vicksburg, before the war, were rich 
and happy, they had fine houses, fine grounds, elegant 
furniture and plenty of money, with servants without 
number. All the country around was occupied by rich 
plantations, and everybody was, as he supposed rich and 
powerful. Now all is changed. Most of the fine houses 
are occupied by federal officers, their grounds have been 
devasted and destroyed, many of the inmates are wander- 
ing about the country without money to buy a loaf of 
bread, thousands have perished in the war, and many that 
remain at their once happy homes, are living on the bounty 
of our fort. Now while their punishment is just, the sight 
of so much suffering and unhappiness can not but make me 
sad. But away with melancholy, and wishing you and 
Fanny a very Happy New Year and hoping that you will 
be able to say that you are much wiser and better than you 
were twelve months ago, so also I want you to resolve that 
the coming year shall be one of even greater improvement 
than the last. 

Good bye Dear Nettie. 
Your affectionate father. 


Cadwallader Colden Washburn 349 


In March Washburn returned to Memphis where he 
remained till the end of the war. A public dinner was 
given him at the Gayoso House. He was announced as 


The guest of the evening, Major General 
C. C. Washburn. No less distinguished in 
the field and in the Hall of Legislation 
than in the walks of private life. By an 
impartial, just and liberal course in his 
high official capacity, he has endeared 
himself to all classes and condition of 

our citizens. 


In response he said: 


“Mr. President and Gentlemen: 

“T lack words to give expression to the emotions that 
overwhelm me. To be the recipient of such an ovation 
as this, on my return to the scene of my former duties may 
well embarrass me and render it difficult to know what to 
say. Itis always so hard for me to say sensible things, and 
particularly so now that I have been so long out of the 
habit of speaking, that I hardly dare trust myself to 
speak at all, for fear that I should say something that my 
deliberate judgment would not approve, and I am almost 
tempted to ask you to excuse me with a simple expression 
of my most profound and grateful thanks. But I know 
that you expect something more, therefore begging your 
kind indulgence for the ill-expressed and disjointed re- 
marks that I may make, I will endeavor to comply as well 
as I may with your expectations. 

“The position of commander in a large commercial 
city like this, governed by martial law, is, at the best, 
most embarrassing. Unfortunately, so it is that the 


350 ~=— Israel, Elihu and Cadwallader Washburn 


pecuniary interests of most of the inhabitants, however 
loyal, are in antagonism, with the interest of the Govern- 
ment. To repress that antagonism and control con- 
flicting interests and to settle unpleasant troubles that 
may arise among citizens is one of his most disagreeable 
duties, and if he shall succeed, in the discharge of that 
class of duties, in retaining the good will of the citizens, 
and retain at the same time, the confidence of the Govern- 
ment he serves, he is indeed fortunate. 

“In the discharge of my responsible and often delicate 
duties, here, I believe there is no one that will say of me 
that my first duty was not always to my Government, 
and that no private interest was ever permitted to stand 
in the way of the public welfare. Duty to my Govern- 
ment being discharged, it was always my study to do as 
little harm and as much good to the citizen as was con- 
sistent with my position and obligations resting upon me. 
I have never hesitated to do any act that I thought proper 
to be done because it might raise a clamor, or might be 
prejudicial to private interests. Nor will it be said that 
I ever made use of the almost absolute power that I 
possessed, to oppress any one. Military law is to be 
dreaded under even the most favorable circumstances, 
and particularly so when it is entrusted either to weak, 
wicked or unjust hands; and I can conceive of no condi- 
tion more deplorable than that of a community whose 
lives, whose fortunes and whose sacred honor are placed 
in the power of such a man. Military power is not to be 
wielded for purposes of oppression. A magnanimous 
mind scorns such a use of power, nor will a brave man 
exult over a fallen and prostrate foe, or unnecessarily add 
affliction to the afflicted. If, while I was before in com- 
mand here, it became necessary for me to adopt some 


Cadwallader Colden Washburn 351 


measures which seemed harsh or unusual, I believe that 
they were all fully vindicated by their success. The 
occasion which called them forth passed away. They 
served their end in their day, let them now be forgotten. 

“Tf the position which I occupied when here before was 
difficult, I fear it will be equally so now. The new regula- 
tions in regard to trade from the Treasury Department, 
are very embarrassing to the military, but I shall en- 
deavor to execute the general policy of the Government 
on the subject, so far as I understand it, and I deem it not 
improper here to say, that the time has come when we 
may treat the people of West Tennessee and North Mis- 
sissippi in a spirit of kindness and forbearance. I do not 
suppose that there is an intelligent man in West Ten- 
nessee, or even in all rebeldom, who does not know that 
the Southern Confederacy ‘is played out,’ and is an utter 
failure, and that such a thing as any other Government 
than the Government of the United States is simply 
impossible. 

“Such being the fact, we can afford to be magnanimous 
and forgiving towards the mass, who have been by wicked, 
cruel and ambitious men, seduced from the paths of duty 
and involved in ruin. I wish that I could speak to every 
disloyal man in West Tennessee, and even that my voice 
might be heard beyond these narrow limits, and entreat 
the disloyal everywhere no longer to strive with his govern- 
ment, but accept as inevitable the present condition of 
things, and prepare to make the best of it. To this con- 
clusion they must come at last, and I would beg of them 
by every consideration tending to their own welfare and 
the welfare of those near and dear to them, to no longer 
delay, but to return to their first love, and again take 
shelter under the glorious Stars and Stripes. 


352 Israel, Elihu and Cadwallader Washburn 


“To those who have the disposition to return home 
to their families and friends, I say that I shall 


“Make no deep scrutiny 
Into their mutiny, 
Rash and undutiful.’ 


The spring time of the year has come again, the plow 
rusts in the furrow, and without the labor of the husband- 
man famine must overspread this land, so long desolated 
by the tramp of armies. But peace and quiet will soon 
remedy all this, and so elastic is the character of the 
American people that the traces of this bloody struggle 
will soon be obliterated, and with a new order of things, 
with liberty crowning our efforts in this mighty conflict, 
the advance in wealth, population and refinement will 
be such as the world never saw. You have a country and 
a climate which ‘paragons the world,’ and, as in admiration 
and sorrow we look upon it, we have been forced to 
exclaim: 


‘Oh Christ! it is a goodly sight to see 

What heaven has done for this delicious land; 
What fruits of fragrance blush on every tree, 
What glorious prospects o’er its hills expand, 
But man mars it with an impious hand.’ 


“T predict that ten years will not elapse before those who 
‘bless the tyrant, and who hug the chain’ will sing Glory 
Hallelujah over its redemption, and find it fifty years in 
advance of what it was at the beginning of the war, and 
will wonder how it was possible that their eyes could ever 
be so dimmed by the scales of injustice and error. 

“‘Let then these veterans from the ‘climes of the sun, all 
war-worn and weary,’ who have fought as only Americans 
can fight, and worthy of a nobler and better cause, accept 


Cadwallader Colden Washburn 353 


what is inevitable, and returning to their homes, beat their 
swords into plough-shares and their spears into pruning- 
hooks, and practice war no more. 

“‘T know that it is a question which troubles some as to 
what should be done with the people who have been guilty 
of this great sin, and some there, perhaps we, who would 
delight to see this carnival of blood go on until the last 
rebel fills a dishonored and a traitor’s grave. With them 
there is no styptic to staunch the wounds of crushed and 
bleeding humanity, short of annihilation. With them 
there is ‘no balm in Gilead—no physician there.’ With 
these men (and thank God, I believe they are few) I 
have no sympathy. 

“No punishment that we can inflict can restore life to 
the hundreds of thousands that have fallen in this struggle, 
or wipe away the widows’ tears or soothe the orphans’ 
cries, and I hesitate not to declare as my opinion, that we 
should inflict no greater and further punishment than is 
demanded by national safety. Great God! Have they 
not been punished as no other people were ever punished 
since Christ wept over Jerusalem—aye, since ‘God said 
let there be light’? Look at their desolate hearthstones, 
their ruined towns, their blasted fields, and tell me then 
if you will that they have not been adequately punished. 
Their crime was great and their punishment has indeed 
been great, and they may well exclaim with Cain, ‘Our 
punishment is greater than we can bear.’ 

“I pretend to speak for no one but myself. I do not 
regard it as becoming for military men to be making 
speeches, and this is the first time, since the war began, 
that I have been guilty of such imprudence, but in view 
of the utterly prostrate and helpless condition of this 
people, I declare that, in my judgment, our great and good 


354 Israel, Elihu and Cadwallader Washburn 


Government can afford to be merciful, magnanimous, 
and more than just. 


“The quality of mercy is not strained; 

It droppeth as the gentle rain from Heaven 
Upon the earth beneath. It is twice blessed, 
It blesseth him that gives and him that takes, 
*Tis mightiest in the mightiest; it becomes 
The throned monarch better than his crown. 
His sceptre shows the force of temporal power, 
The attribute of awe, and majesty 

Whereon doth sit the dread and fear of kings. 
But mercy is above his sceptered sway; 

It is enthroned in the heart of kings; 

It is an attribute of God himself, 

And earthly power doth then show likest God 
When mercy seasons justice.’ 


“Every consideration of Christian charity, and every 
consideration of public policy requires that we should be 
most forbearing, and should pray that all remembrance 
of this unhappy struggle should be buried in the waters 
of oblivion, deeper than plummet sounds. As illustrative 
of this spirit of brotherly kindness, I call to mind an in- 
stance in English and French history, a story, which I 
remember to have read in an old school book when I was a 
boy, so long ago that I hardly dare to think how long, lest 
I should be reminded that I am older than I once was, 
but I may safely say, that it is at least thirty years since 
I read it, and my memory may not enable me to relate the 
story with historical accuracy, but as near as I can I will 
do so: 

“Edward the III, of England, after the Battle of 
Cressy, laid siege to Calais. The city was beleaguered by 
a large force, but was defended with great bravery and 


Cadwallader Colden Washburn 355 


determination. But after many months of siege it be- 
came apparent that what the army of Edward could not 
accomplish would be accomplished by famine, and the 
besieged were finally reduced to the last extremity, and 
it was certain that they must capitulate. Their resistance 
had been heavy and stubborn, and much apprehension 
was felt in regard to obtaining terms. Negotiations, 
however, were opened, and Edward sent a noble knight, 
Sir Walter Manny, to inform the Governor of the city, 
that he would accept its surrender on condition that he 
would deliver up six of the first citizens of Calais for 
execution, who were to be led to his presence barefooted, 
and with halters around their necks. When the terms 
were made known, there was for a time wailing in Calais, 
but not long, for almost immediately a prominent citizen 
by the name of Eustace St. Pierre, volunteered as one of 
the six who were to appease the wrath of Edward, and 
save the doomed city, and soon the whole number had 
volunteered, when struck with admiration at the conduct 
of those noble men, Sir Walter exclaimed, ‘Alas! why was 
I not a citizen of Calais.’ 

“The victims were led to Edward’s presence, bare- 
footed and with halters around their necks, according to 
the terms, and as they passed between the long lines of 
English soldiers, the spectacle was one of such tender 
sublimity, that the whole army was moved to tears. 
As they reached the headquarters of the King, he rudely 
accosted Sir Walter, and demanded to know if he was 
certain that they were the first citizens of Calais? ‘Yes,’ 
responded the Knight,—‘they are not only the first 
citizens of Calais, but they are the first citizens of France,’ 
and he volunteered some words to show why their lives 


should be spared. But he was rudely repulsed, and told 


356 Israel, Elihu and Cadwallader Washburn 


to go and lead them to instant execution. At this moment 
the Queen Phillippa, whose beauty was said to be equalled 
only by her virtue and goodness, learning what was 
transpiring, appeared before her husband and besought 
him to spare the lives of those devoted men. She reminded 
the King of the glory of his reign and the splendor of his 
achievements which the whole world then acknowledged, 
and begged him by every consideration to spare their 
lives, and finally by the use of those arts of persuasion 
which women so well know how to use, caused him not 
only to relent from his purpose, but to dismiss them, 
loaded with presents. Then it was that the noble St. 
Pierre, who was willing to give up his life, a martyr to his 
country, burst into tears and exclaimed: ‘Alas, my 
country, it is now that I for the first time fear for thee. 
Edward only wins our cities; Phillippa conquers hearts.’ 

“The accursed cause of this rebellion is wiped out, and 
forever, and we may safely proclaim an amnesty to the - 
most of the participants of the rebellion. There are a 
few that should be sent into exile or imprisoned in some 
penal colony, for the national safety would be endangered 
were they to remain in the country. Those who left our 
halls of Congress, and those who deserted from our army 
and navy might safely be included in that class. I fear © 
that we do not always make the allowance we ought for 
many who have been engaged in this strife; at least one- 
half have been drawn into it against their will and judg- 
ment by ‘stern oppression’s iron grip, and mad ambition’s 
gory hand.’ 

“Perhaps they did not resist as they ought, for while 
they had actually the numbers, the traitors had the noise 
and clamor. I think that it is Asop who tells us that a 
single frog croaking in a pond will make more noise than 


Cadwallader Colden Washburn 357 


a dozen fat bullocks grazing upon its margin. The noise 
and clamor being with the enemies of the Union, they 
were able finally to sweep all before them, and to resist 
the current was impossible. The truth is, the whole 
people finally became afflicted with a species of moral 
insanity and were incapable of rational action. As the 
acute mania gives way to calmer moods we should avail 
ourselves of every opportunity to dispel the fatal delusions 
that have nearly worked their ruin. 

“The expressions to which I have just given utterance 
may surprise some. That I, who have always been known, 
when known at all, as an anti-slavery man, (which with 
many is the synonym of the enemy of the South), should 
after all our sacrifices, after all the rebel atrocities, and 
after starving so many thousands of our brave defenders 
in Southern prisons, have this feeling, may be unexpected. 
It may seem strange. This war has developed many 
strange things, and not the least so, 1s to find men who 
were always in opposition to me, and who, by their ac- 
tions, greatly contributed to mislead the people of the 
South, by a single bound placing themselves so far in 
advance of me that I almost lose my identity. These 
are the men who are most inexorable and unforgiv- 
ing. 

“Tt is no time to discuss the questions involved in this 
war. They have been settled not by discussions but by 
sword;—but as I scorn to acquire the good opinion of any 
man by concealing my own, and as it might be supposed 
that here in this strong pro-slavery community I had a 
set of opinions for this latitude, I beg your momentary 
indulgence to set everybody right. You have been pleased 
to allude to my services in the councils of the nation. 
They were not distinguished, but such as they were, I 


358 Israel, Elihu and Cadwallader Washburn 


am not ashamed of them. You all have some recollection 
of the last session of Congress under Mr. Buchanan’s ad- 
ministration, and the many efforts to save the Union by 
legislative nostrums. Among the devices was raised a 
committee, consisting of thirty-three members, one from 
each State, to devise ways and means by which the Union 
could be kept together. 

‘‘T had the honor of being a member of that committee, 
which was in session quite a long time. A majority of the 
committee was composed of members of the party to 
which I belonged, which party was opposed to the ex- 
tension of slavery. The committee was in session for 
many weeks, and many were the plans discussed by which 
the Union was to be saved; and so great was the disposition 
to yield to southern domination and degrading exactions, 
that a majority of the committee actually agreed upon a 
set of measures which passed Congress, of which I pre- 
sume some gentlemen will not thank me for reviving the 
recollection. Among the measures was one which pro- 
posed a constitutional amendment, under which slavery 
was to be made perpetual, or at least putting it out of the 
power of the people of any free State ever to propose a 
constitutional amendment affecting slavery; and no prop- 
osition on that subject could ever be made, unless it 
came from a slave State. As we had then fifteen slave 
States, and as no constitutional amendment could be 
ratified without a majority of three-fourths of the States; 
it was thus evident that it would require sixty States in 
the Union before a change in the Constitution could be 
affected. Yet our friends were swift to give them the 
constitutional guarantee which I have named, and it was 
reported by the committee and passed Congress. 

“T have not time to dwell on this subject as I would 


Cadwallader Colden Washburn 359 


like, if I had not already troubled you so long, but I wish 
to say that I did not concur in the action of a majority 
of the committee, but made a minority report.... I 
stand by that report today, ... and I will ask the 
newspapers to publish it, that no one may have any excuse 
of misunderstanding my position. 

“Principles cannot be compromised, and the man who 
attempts it, prevaricates with God and his own conscience. 
I am the same kind of anti-slavery man that I have ever 
been. My Jdeau ideal of a statesman was glorious old 
Harry Clay, and as he said during the compromise dis- 
cussion of 1850, that no earthly power could induce him 
‘to ever vote for the extension of slavery over territory 
then free’; I, following him with unequal steps, echoed 
the sentiment. I never sought to interfere with slavery 
where it existed, regarding it as no affair of mine, and for 
which I was not responsible, but was content to leave the 
evil with those who had it, and for them to manage as in 
their judgment they thought best. I did not believe 
that I had the right so to interfere with it, and I may say, 
that this was almost the unanimous opinion of the people 
of the North, but believing it to be a great moral, social, 
and political evil and the greatest curse that ever befell 
any nation or people, I felt bound to do all I constitu- 
tionally could do to prevent its extension into free terri- 
tories. Our offence hath this extent, no more. But before 
I close, I doubt not you wish to hear something more 
definite on questions of trade, in which this city is so 
deeply interested. Presently you will know all that 
through the medium of military orders, which I hope will 
be satisfactory. I say to the honorable merchants and 
business men that you will find me ready to extend to 
you all the privileges consistent with my duty to the 


360 Israel, Elihu and Cadwallader Washburn 


Government to grant, and I know that you want no more. 
To such as are not disposed to do a legitimate business or 
conform to necessary orders (and here let me say that 
I do not intend to vex the people with frivolous or op- 
pressive orders, or to unnecessarily remind them that they 
are under military rule), but endeavor to carry on contra- 
band or dishonest traffic, let me say that they will find me, 
as they have ever found me their bitter and unrelenting 
foe. 

“To see Civil Government restored, and peace reigning 
throughout all our borders, is the ardent desire of my 
heart; and happy will be the day to me when I can return 
to the walks of civil life, with a hand unstained by any 
act of cruelty or plunder, and engage once more in the 
pursuits of peace. I am neither by instinct or education, 
a soldier; but I am a soldier solely from a solemn sense 
of duty to a Government under which, in common with 
others, I have enjoyed a degree of prosperity and honor 
greater than I could have enjoyed under any other Govern- 
ment on earth. Of our Government and people I am now 
more proud than ever, and the title of American citizen is a 
prouder title than other Governments can bestow. But, 
as the war approaches to a conclusion, there are new duties 
and obligations that will be forced upon you, which, if 
you neglect, God will not hold you guiltless. The cry 
of the widow and the orphan must not go unheeded; nor 
may you forget the down-trodden and despised race, who, 
by this war, have been endowed with the priceless boon 
of liberty, and I trust that you will read your duty not 
more in your inclinations, than in the language of Him 
who declared that ‘inasmuch as ye did it not to the least 
of my brethren, ye did it not unto me.’ 

“The condition of affairs in West Tennessee is now such 


Cadwallader Colden Washburn 361 


that a liberal policy, I think, may be tried and I say to the 
people that so long as they discourage the armed bands 
of the enemy from coming among them, it will give me 
pleasure to lend them a helping hand. It affords me no 
satisfaction to add one drop to the cup of sorrow which 
they have been compelled to drink even to the very dregs. 
I regard the insurgents as at our mercy, and I hope they 
will not render necessary the further shedding of blood, 
but set themselves earnestly to work to repair damages. 
The past is secure and cannot be changed or altered. 
The present moment is your own, see that you improve it. 

“Sad, indeed, would be our condition if after all our 
sacrifices, we had nothing to show for them but the thou- 
sands of nameless graves which dot the surface of the 
earth from Gettysburg to the Rio Grande. Thank God, 
we have a country redeemed, regenerated and disen- 
thralled, by the genius of universal emancipation, which 
shall live forever. But though no marble marks the place 
where sleep our brave defenders, their memories shall long 
be kept fresh in our souls. What avail the monuments of 
brass or of stone! You raise the statue of marble, it is 
cold and lifeless; Time clasps it, and it is dust in his hands; 
but their statues are man—living, feeling, adoring man, 
bearing the image of his Maker, having the impress of the 
Divinity. 

“But I have protracted my remarks already to too great 
a length, and will close with a reiteration of the confidence 
that I have in our dear country, and that the good old 
Ship of State will be able to weather every storm, and 
be guided safely into port, and 


‘In spite of rocks and tempest’s roar, 
In spite of false lights on the shore, 
Sail on; nor fear to breast the sea; 


362 Israel, Elihu and Cadwallader Washburn 


Our hearts, our hopes, are all with thee, 

Our hearts, our hopes, our prayers, our tears, 
Our faith triumphant o’er our fears, 

Are all with thee! are all with thee!’”’ 


On May 25, 1865, Washburn resigned from the army 
and returned to his business affairs at La Crosse. 


SECOND CONGRESSIONAL SERVICE 


Coming home after four years of active service at the 
front, with a flawless military record Washburn was a man 
whom his state would delight to honor. From Congress he 
had stepped into military service and a year after he had 
put aside his uniform was again elected to Congress. His 
election in 1867 was by a vote of 13,135 to 6,164 for his 
Democratic opponent. In 1869 he was reélected by a 
vote of 21,164 against 11,477 for the Democrat. His 
party was not as strong in 1869 as it had been in 1867, 
but his hold upon his constituents had not weakened. 

After his return to civil life his business affairs expanded 
greatly and he had many plans to carry out. He would 
have had ample occupation without adding political 
service to his duties, but he accepted his election to Con- 
gress without reluctance. His political ambition was not 
all-engrossing and he did not over-estimate his political 
standing. He would have been glad to go into President 
Lincoln’s Cabinet as Secretary of the Interior, (as he intt- 
mated in one of his letters to Elihu) but he never became 
a candidate for the office and afterwards did not think 
of himself in connection with any appointive office. He 
wanted to be a senator, but his failure to secure the prize 
did not prey upon his mind. 

When he returned to Washington he lived with Elihu 
in a house on Capitol Hill, but after his brother went to 
France he moved to the Arlington Hotel. He accepted 
the social duties of his position reluctantly. His daughters 
were not yet old enough to enter society, and his house- 
hold was without a presiding power. 

363 


364 Israel, Elihu and Cadwallader Washburn 


In politics he was a strict party man and accepted his 
program without misgivings. On January 8, 1868, he 
introduced a resolution in the House condemning the 
conduct of “Andrew Johnson, Acting President of the 
United States,” in removing General Sheridan from his 
command of the Texas district and thanking General 
Grant for his letter to the President protesting against 
Edwin M. Stanton’s removal as Secretary of War. The 
resolution was insulting to the President and was in full 
accord with the temper of the Radical Republicans of the 
House. He never regretted his action, but in 1869 when 
he spoke in favor of the repeal of the tenure-of-office act, 
said it had been passed in order to curb the power of a 
wicked President. He had a profound respect for public 
opinion. In advocating any measure he always brought 
forward as a capital argument in its favor that it was 
demanded by public sentiment. He considered himself 
a representative of the sentiments of his constituents. 
Although he was put on the Committee on Foreign Affairs 
when he returned to Congress, foreign affairs were not his 
first interest. He did not debate them and he was often 
in disagreement with the chairman, General N. P. Banks. 
He was more in his element when for his second term he 
went on the Committee on Appropriations. Fraudulent 
claims against the government, efforts of railroads to 
secure subsidies from the government, extravagant and 
corrupt use of public money,—these were the things which 
excited his interest and which he fought on every occasion. 
A letter to the Secretary of the Interior, Columbus Delano, 
from La Crosse, June 7, 1869, illustrates his temper. He. 
said a certain appointment made by Delano was a great 
mistake and of the appointee: ““He was a quartermaster 
during the war, and the colonel of his regiment assures 


Cadwallader Colden Washburn 365 


me that he is a most unmitigated rascal. I have no doubt 
that he has sought this position for the sake of plunder and 
you will do well to watch him very closely.” 

He was an active representative who debated frequently. 
The three measures in which he was especially interested 
and in which he may be said to have led the House, were 
the opposition to the Bouligny claim, the opposition to 
the purchase of foreign territory, and the establishment 
of a government-owned telegraph. 

The Bouligny claim was an interesting case and showed 
Washburn at his best. John Edmund Bouligny was a 
Louisiana Creole who sent to Congress in 1859 by the 
National American party, a faction which represented the 
Union sentiment of the state. When Louisiana seceded 
from the Union two years later, all of the representatives 
from the state left their seats in Congress except Bouligny. 
All of the representatives from the south left except 
Bouligny. He was a dramatic figure seated alone amid 
the wreck of the shattered nation. He died in Washington 
in 1864. He had a claim before Congress for an interest in 
a grant alleged to have been made to his ancestor in 
Louisiana in 1717 for 75,840 acres of land. The claim had 
come before Congress during Washburn’s service before 
the war and he had studied it and had become convinced 
that it had no merit. It was now revived by Bouligny’s 
heirs and during the closing hours of the Congress of 1866 
had passed. The committee reported it favorably and it 
slipped through without notice being taken of it and with- 
out knowledge of its merits. A week after Congress had 
‘opened, on March 11, 1867, Washburn presented a set 
of resolutions reciting the facts relative to the passage of 
the bill, saying that the Supreme Court had once decided 
that it had no merit and directing the suspension of the 


366 Israel, Elihu and Cadwallader Washburn 


law. In his speech he explained that the original grant 
had been for worthless swamp lands, but that the law 
permitted the claimants to choose other government 
lands in the place of the swamp lands. Thus they would 
locate very valuable lands. He pointed to the decision 
of the Supreme Court discrediting the claim; he said the 
members of the committee which recommended the pass- 
age of the law had not studied the case which was a most 
complicated one; he declared it had originated in the 
Mississippi scheme of John Law, the man who had created 
the South Sea bubble. Even if a valid grant had been 
made in 1717, he declared how could the descendants of 
the first beneficiary now claim, as they did, a sixth part 
of the land? Rather were there six hundred descendants 
of the first beneficiary, for he had left four sons. Wash- 
burn supported his resolution with remarkable determina- 
tion. Those who favored the law found him better in- 
formed on the case than they were. Man after man who 
had allowed the claim to go through on the impression 
that it was meritorious now arose to disclaim advocacy of 
it. Washburn’s resolution was successful; the law never 
went into operation and a vast area of land was ii to 
the government. 

Washburn’s opposition to the acquisition of nae 
territory placed him in direct opposition to the policy of 
Secretary Seward. When the bill to pay for the purchase 
of Alaska came up on December 11, 1867, he opposed it. 
The country was utterly worthless and godforsaken, he 
said, and he quoted at length from books and reports to 
support his contention. On November 25, 1867, he had 
introduced this resolution: 

‘That in the present financial condition of the country 
any further purchases of territory are inexpedient, and 


Cadwallader Colden Washburn 367 


this House will hold itself under no obligation to vote 
money to pay for any such purpose unless there is greater 
present necessity for the same than now exists.” 

The resolution was leveled at the negotiations which 
Secretary Seward had had with Denmark for the purchase 
of the Danish West Indies. Washburn said: 

““Mr. Speaker: I do not intend that resolution to apply 
to Walrussia. But it is rumored in the papers—whether 
it is true or not I cannot say—that the Secretary of State 
has been making another purchase without consulting 
anyone, in the absence of any public sentiment requiring 
it, or of any demand from any quarter. I intend that that 
action shall be covered by the resolution. I intend to 
serve notice upon the Kingdom of Denmark that this 
House will not pay for that purchase; and I mean to serve 
notice upon the world that we will pay for no purchases 
that the Secretary of State, on his own motion, may see 
proper to make,—that no purchase will be sanctioned that 
is not demanded by the public sentiment and the best 
interests of the country.” 

This resolution was promptly passed, and the Danish 
West Indies were not bought till fifty years later; but 
soon after Mr. Seward made his treaty to acquire the 
islands they were devastated by an earthquake. The 
combination of Washburn’s resolution with the earth- 
quake effectually killed the project of annexation for the 
time being. Washburn never became reconciled to the 
Alaska purchase, but as late as February 11, 1871, shortly 
before he left Congress, in the course of a debate on the 
proposition to extend the land laws over Alaska he re- 
marked that he would willingly vote to give anyone 
$7,000,000 to take the peninsula off the hands of the 
United States. 


368 Israel, Elihu and Cadwallader Washburn 
The subject with which Washburn identified himself 


more thoroughly than any other during his congressional 
career and which he worked industriously to make success- 
ful during the rest of his life, was that of the postal tele- 
graph. He had become convinced by his foreign travel 
and by his study of conditions at home that the only 
fair way to manage the telegraph was by government 
ownership, when the cost of sending messages would 
be greatly decreased and the use of this means of commu- 
nication would be within the reach of the people instead 
of being as it then was, confined to the rich or used by 
others only in case of emergency. He made many speeches 
on the subject, conducted many contests before congres- 
sional committees and never lost hope that he would 
eventually succeed. His speech of December 22, 1869, 
was probably the most comprehensive of those he made 
on the subject. 

He drew an analogy between the post office and the 
telegraph and showed how Sir Rowland Hill had been 
ridiculed when he first proposed to reduce the rate of 
postage in England to one penny; yet the reform had been 
carried out successfully, and we had followed it here, 
reducing postage from 25 cents to 3 cents. In telegraphy 
we were laggards as we had been in postal matters in com- 
parison with Great Britain. She had taken possession of 
the telegraph and was placing its use within the reach of 
the people, white we permitted it to be owned by a private 
corporation whose charges were exorbitant. It was true 
that the bill to take the telegraph over by the government 
had been reported unfavorably and arguments against 
the measure had been offered by the Western Union 
Telegraph Company. That company, however, monop- 
olized the business and was naturally opposed to it. He 


Cadwallader Colden Washburn 369 


determined the foreign rates for telegraphing which were 
so much lower than ours. His arguments were drawn 
chiefly from the experience of foreign countries. He 
showed the value of the telegraph lines in the country 
and that the amount at which the company appraised 
them was greatly in excess of their real value. He ad- 
vocated the purchase of the telegraph lines and the in- 
stallation of a telegraph office in all the post offices. 

He presented a formidable and complete array of facts 
and figures. It is unnecessary to add that his efforts were 
unavailing. 

Two letters of his belong to this period: 


To WitLt1AM Drew WaAsHBURN 


House of Representatives 
Forty-First Congress U.S., 
Washington, D. C., Feb. 26, 1870 

Dear Brother: Yours of the 11th inst. has been rec’d. 
together with the documents sent by Saner (?), for which 
thank him, for me. He sent me a bill incorporating Alex. 
Washburn, Geo.. Moore and himself into a company to 
construct atmospheric telegraphy, etc. Please say to him 
that to do this now would be unwise. It would look as 
tho. I had some private scheme to promote in connection 
with telegraph reform, and would operate against the 
public bill I have in charge. I must first get that out of the 
way. I have not yet obtained authority for my committee 
to send for persons papers, but hope to doit... . 

Hoar was rejected because of his general':discourtesy to 
Senators. An honest man and good lawyer, his principal 
happiness is in making others unhappy. When on the 
bench, he was said to be unhappy because he could not 
patie against both litigants. He has but little sympathy 
here. If he was a sensitive man he would resign, but I 
think he has no intention of doing that. I think that he 
likes Washington life, and is a good diner out at the expense 


37° 


Israel, Elihu and Cadwallader Washburn 


of other people. I hope that he will hold on. If he resigns 
God only knows who we shall get in his place. Of course 
it would be some one never before heard of. 

I dined with the President ten days ago. Elijah Program 
(?) was there. Rather a pleasant time. The President was 
a good deal put out with Dawes for his attack on the Esti- 
mates, but the country praises Dawes without stint. Dawes 
has gone up to stump N. H. He told me some days ago to 
give you his love and say that he would write you, but that 
he could get no time... . 


To WILLIAM Drew WASHBURN 


La Crosse, June 3, 1870 

Dear Brother: I left Washington about a week ago, and 
came home to look, a little, after business. I shall go back 
soon, but if I had my way I would never set foot again in 
Washington. The only matter that I care anything about 
now is my Postal Telegraph. I have got leave to report 
at any time, and shall report and set the case down for an 
early day in Dec. . . . If I could stay in Congress and not 
represent my constituents I might be reconciled to do so 
perhaps, but certainly not while they make demands on me 
that do not accord with my judgment... . 

My affairs are looking pretty fair, dnd I hope that in a 
year from now they will be in such shape that I can leave 
home for an unlimited period. I shall then have finished 
up my public service for ever. I saw the President a short 
time before I left Washington. He seemed comfortable and 


happy. 


GOVERNOR OF WISCONSIN 


In spite of his desire to be out of public service, Wash- 
burn naturally went from the House of Representatives to 
the governorship of his state. Without serious opposition, 
he was nominated by the Republicans in 1871. The 
Democrats nominated James R. Doolittle, probably the 
strongest candidate they could have found. He had been 
a leader in the Senate and was a graceful, practiced speaker 
with oratorical instinct. Washburn, although having 
experience as a public speaker, failed to rank among the 
famous. 

Simply as a speaker then, the advantage was with the 
Democratic candidate. Nevertheless, Washburn did 
not fear him in debate and the two spoke throughout 
the state from the same platform. They observed the 
courtesies of debate; created no disorderly audiences; and 
when the canvass was over could still call themselves 
gentlemen. The tide flowed with Washburn. Grant was 
still the hero and those who had acted with him were the 
people’s favorites. The Republican party, and the Union 
cause were inextricably interwoven. Those who criticized 
the party which had fomented the war were unpopular 
with the men who had done the fighting. The state had 
sent a large contingent to the front, was intensely proud 
of its military record and for many years was dominated 
in its political history by its army enthusiasts. It was 
still an orthodox Republican state, discussing the old 
war issues, and living on Lincoln and Grant. Washburn 
was elected governor. He succeeded the popular Lucius 

371 


372 Israel, Elihu and Cadwallader Washburn 


Fairchild, a brigadier general in the Union Army, who had 
lost his left arm at Gettysburg, a picturesque figure, so 
popular with the people that he had been elected governor 
three times, making his term of service six years. Wash- 
burn followed in his footsteps,—the same type of man, 
presiding over the same type of citizen, but not noted 
for ease in making friends. He was a little distant in 
his intercourse with men. Self-contained, he had few 
devoted friends, blunt, to a degree sometimes of giving 
offence by the plainness of speech. People were a little 
afraid of him, and those who had plans which were with- 
out merit, or were dishonest, sincerely feared him. It was 
commonly said he was not a politician, but had an under- 
standing of local political forces and knowledge of how 
to direct them. 

The Republican majority in Wisconsin, when he was 
elected governor, was too large. There were twenty- 
three Republicans against nine Democrats in the senate, 
and fifty-four Republicans against thirty-eight Democrats 
in the assembly. That unwieldy preponderance which 
usually precedes the breakup of a party had come. Before 
Washburn’s term had expired the attention of the state 
was distracted from the old political questions and had 
become absorbed in industrial and social questions which 
were made political, and which have ever since caused an 
uncertain quantity in elections and in a measure served 
as experiment ground for new theories of government. 
Even before Washburn was elected the “Patrons of 
Husbandry” or “‘Grangers” had formed. They were a 
secret society having for their object to lessen the cost of 
transportation and to increase the cost of farm products. 
As a man of wealth with interest in railroads, Washburn 
was not acceptable to them. It is true that he advocated 


Cadwallader Colden Washburn 373 


state control of the railroads, but the farmers would 
listen only to men who promised everything they desired. 

At noon, January 1, 1872, Washburn was installed as 
governor of Wisconsin. His first message to the legislature 
was a comprehensive document dealing in detail with the 
affairs of the state and discussing affairs of the nation. He 
showed a lively interest in state, educational, charitable, 
and benevolent institutions. He commended the Histor- 
ical Society, the state library and the university, to the 
especial care of the legislature. He dealt frankly with the 
railroad problems. ‘‘The railroads,” he said, “‘repre- 
sented a cost either actual or fictitious of nearly one hun- 
dred millions of dollars. This vast concentration of capital 
in one interest, alone, affects every other interest in the 
state, and it may with truth be said, that there is no 
branch of industry within the state, that is not dependent 
upon railway facilities, and which unfriendly action on the 
part of railway managers, may not at any time crush 
out.” 

The railway interests, he went on, had grown to their 
present proportions without any general system and with 
little responsibility to the people, and their managers 
seemed to think that their will was law. As they were 
public corporations and public highways the public was 
entitled to full benefit from them. Both railroads and 
public should be protected. He recommended that a 
board of Railroad Commissioners be constituted to inquire 
into complaints and abuses and exercise general supervi- 
sion over railways in the state, to recommend legislation 
and report annually to the governor. 

Passing to national affairs he spoke with familiarity 
and authority. He favored civil service reform, he wanted 
a return to specie payment, and he spoke again in favor 


374 Israel, Elihu and Cadwallader Washburn 


of a postal telegraph, going over the same ground which 
he had covered in his speeches to Congress. The legisla- 
ture, at his request, asked its senators and members in 
Congress to support a government postal telegraph 
system. 

His second annual message was of the same character 
as the first,—unpretentious and business-like, showing a 
grasp of the situation. He renewed the recommendations 
he had made in his previous message, especially concerning 
the railway commission and the postal telegraph. He 
dealt with the question of capital punishment. It had 
been abolished twenty years before and he showed that 
the proportion of convictions for capital crimes had been 
greatly increased in consequence. 

During the second year of his term he pardoned fifty- 
six prisoners from the county jails and state prison. 
Twenty-four of these pardons were granted to enable 
the felons to resume their citizenship after discharge, 
nearly all of the others were granted for humane reasons. 
One murderer, for instance, was pardoned because he was 
very ill and his mother and sister, residing in Providence, 
Rhode Island, who were vouched for as highly respectable 
people, promised to receive and care for him during the 
remnant of his existence. Another pardon was “because 
of the youth of the offender,” and another said: “if 
guilty he had already been severely punished.” 

The ablest state paper which Washburn issued while 
he was governor was the veto message which he sent the 
assembly, March 18, 1873, returning to that body a bill 
to authorize the Milwaukee and St. Paul Railroad to 
build a bridge over the Mississippi River at La Crosse. He 
based his disapproval on constitutional and utilitarian 
grounds. The Constitution gave Congress the right to 


Cadwallader Colden Washburn 375 


regulate commerce between the states, he said, and the 
United States had control of all navigable waters in the 
United States which were accessible to more than one 
state. Congress had assumed absolute control of the 
navigation of the Mississippi and had spent many millions 
of dollars in its improvement. This expenditure would 
be absurd if any other power could obstruct the river and 
render the improvements valueless. The river was of the 
utmost importance to the people. ‘Destroy the naviga- 
tion of the Mississippi river and you would at once impose 
a tax of many millions annually upon the people of the 
adjacent states. The people along and beyond the Missis- 
sippi know, that the moment ‘navigation is suspended, 
rates of freight by rail are instantly largely advanced, as 
is also the case when it is rendered expensive and difficult 
by reason of low water.” Each bridge across the river 
was an obstruction, but the railroads had to have bridges. 
The general government decreed that no bridge should . 
be built across the river unless it was built and located 
under regulations of the War Department and it must 
permit safe passage of vessels under or through it. In 
the case under consideration the War Department had 
declared that a bridge might be located at a certain point, 
but the people of La Crosse and the Milwaukee & St. 
Paul Railroad Co. wanted it somewhere else. Congress 
refused the request of the railroad company and now the 
legislature passed an act saying the railroad company could 
build the bridge where it pleased. This was in effect 
nullifying an act of Congress and an assertion of state 
rights far beyond any that had ever been made. 

By a two-thirds vote the assembly voted to override 
the governor’s veto, but the senate supported him and the 


bill failed. 


376 Israel, Elihu and Cadwallader Washburn 


Washburn left the governor’s chair more admired by the 
people than when he had taken office. The Republicans 
were still with him and the opposition said through one 
of its leading newspapers: “If Governor Washburn is not 
a great statesman he 1s certainly not a small politician.” 
It was the breaking of their power which put him out 
of office. 

His successor was William R. Taylor, nominated by the 
Liberal Democratic party, commonly designated the 
“‘Reformers.”” His majority over Washburn was 15,000. 


THE IMPETUS OF STATESMANSHIP 


Statesmanship among the Washburns seemed contin- 
ually gaining impetus. Cadwallader wrote to Elihu: 


State of Wisconsin, 
Executive Department, 
Madison, June 15, 1873. 

. . . I notice what you say about my being “worried” 
about your correspondence, and that you did not suppose 
that anybody, not a natural fool, could think of you for the 
Presidency. I wish you to understand that I agree with 
you perfectly; having known you as long as I have, it 
seems rather funny! But you will bear in mind that the 
majority of people are fools, indeed I may say d—n fools, 
and hence I suppose it is that a good many are inclined to 
say, that in the present excited state of the public mind our 
public robberies, monopolies, etc. you are the only available 
man. Howe was here two weeks ago and he was inclined 
to talk that up strong, and others here were fools enough to 
concur with him. I was rather mortified, as I knew that you 
would not take the office if offered you, and that your only 
desire was to get out of public life, and settle down on the 
banks of Fern River, amid those people whom you love so 
well, such as Wodly Johnson, Sheehan, Patrick O’Don- 
ohue, Michael Murphy, Dennis Doyle, P. Byrne, P. McGin- 
nis et 1d omne. 

Last week I was at Chicago and met Tom Hendricks and 
he said to me that you were the only man the Republicans 
could elect three years hence. He said that Blaine was out 
of the question as there was a taint about him that he could 
not overcome, and that there was no man of any consider- 
able prominence, but what had something pertaining to 
him that would kill him. 


377 


378 Israel, Elihu and Cadwallader Washburn 


I mention these things simply as a matter of current 
gossip, not because I believe in them at all, and perhaps 
I ought not to worry you with them, because they can 
hardly make you feel otherwise than unpleasantly. ... 


To Exrigu B. WasHBURNE 


State of Wisconsin, 
Executive Department 
(undated) Madison 

There is some effort being made to make Howe Chief 
Justice. I hardly think it will win, but should one of the 
Associate Judges be made Chief Justice the show would be 
good to make Howe associate. Miller of Iowa is pressed for 
Ch. J. and I think that would be the best thing, and appt. 
Howe in his place. Carpenter is going in strong for Howe 
and he wanted me to ask you to write Grant. I don’t 
suppose you can, without seeming to be stepping out of 
your way. Carpenter is very anxious as he thinks it will 
settle favorably his own case a year from next winter. 
I suppose J shall have to run again this fall. Indeed it 
looks as tho. I should be absolutely “forced” to do so. 
It looks as tho. if Howe should be apptd. J. that I should 
be again forced by the people, I hate it, but you know 
“The lightning hath its pawn, etc.” 

W. D. is living in mental fear lest he should be also 
forced. I am sorry for the boy. 


What follows is the result of Washburn having been forced 
to run. 

In the candidacy for the United States Senate, he 
measured swords with Matthew Hale Carpenter, one of 
the ablest lawyers in national life. The two men were 
opposite types and each was representative of the political 
life of the nation. Washburn was essentially a practical 
man of business instincts. He had gone West in search 
of his fortune and had grown up with the country. He was 
one of the makers of the West. The political policies of 


Cadwallader Colden Washburn 379 


the party to which he belonged were accepted by him 
and he did not attempt to remodel them, nor lead them. 
The will of his party was his will. His Republican con- 
stituents were certain of him; he would stand with them. 
His Democratic opponents were equally sure that he 
would stand against them. In public life his interest 
was naturally in business measures—in public land policy, 
in highways of commerce, in public expenditures and in 
means of communication. Constitutional questions, re- 
construction measures, foreign policies he did not discuss 
often. These he left to lawyers. 

Carpenter was chief among the lawyers. He had no 
interest in industrial questions. His reputation in Wis- 
consin was gained entirely at the bar. He delighted in 
celebrated law cases; he was skilled in legal argument. 
He went from the law courts into the Senate without 
preliminary public service. Until the Civil War came he 
had been a Democrat. While the war was in progress he had 
refused a nomination to Congress from the Republicans. 
When the war should close he thought he might not be 
willing to lend himself to the policies of the Republican 
party. Afterwards he became a radical Republican. 

In 1868, having been put forward for the Senate along 
with several other candidates, Washburn made an active 
campaign. There can hardly be a doubt, in view of the 
final balloting, that he would have been chosen if it had 
not been for the unexpected entrance into the contest 
of Carpenter who went up and down the state making 
speeches and organizing his forces. The legislature met in 
January, 1869, and on January 18 there was a mass meet- 
ing of members of the legislature and others, at which all 
the candidates for the Senate were invited to speak. On 
the street it was spoken of as a “prize declamation con- 


380 Israel, Elihu and Cadwallader Washburn 


test.” It was organized by Carpenter’s friends because 
his strength lay in his talents as a public speaker. Never- 
theless, Washburn approached his audience without 
trepidation: 

“Mr. Chairman and gentlemen of the Legislature— 
I appear before you in deference to the wishes of a large 
number of members who have signed a call requesting the 
candidates for Senator to address them on the political 
and financial issues of the day, but with no intention of 
making a speech. From the tenor of my friend Carpenter’s 
speech, it seems that the principal political and financial 
issues of the day are whether he is a Republican or 
not.... After a residence of over twenty-six years in 
the State, and after representing for six years immediately 
preceding the war, so much of the State as now includes 
three districts, and since the war, a district which elected 
me by a majority of nearly 10,000, if my position is not 
understood, I certainly ought not to be here. And I 
believe that if at this late hour it were necessary for me 
to make a speech declaring where I stand, I certainly 
would not be here. So far as I am concerned, my record 
is made up, and, at this time, I do not care to add to it 
or take from it. By it I stand or fall, and to it I invite 
the closest scrutiny. To lay down for myself, at this late 
day, any new platform, or make new promises and pledges, 
with the view of influencing your votes I cannot do. High, 
honorable and desirable as is the position of a United 
States Senator, it is not so desirable as to tempt me to 
depart from the determination I have already expressed.” 

He went on concerning Carpenter, that he had been 
quoted as saying if he were defeated he would never again 
appear before the people, whereas he, Washburn, should 


he meet with defeat, would let it make no difference in his 


Cadwallader Colden Washburn 381 


political conduct. He would still do battle for his party. 
There were cries of dissent and counter cries of approval 
when he quoted Carpenter and the meeting became 
disorderly. The next evening the Republican members 
of the legislature met to choose their candidate for the 
Senate. On the first ballot Washburn led Carpenter by 
one vote, on the next vote Carpenter led Washburn 
by one vote, on the third ballot Washburn led Carpenter 
by one vote, on the fourth ballot Carpenter led Washburn 
by seven votes, on the fifth by nine, receiving election. 

This was not the end of the contest between Carpenter 
and Washburn. As Carpenter’s term of service drew 
toward an end, Washburn was found opposing reélection. 
Further than that, when the legislature met in January, 
1875, a majority of Washburn’s followers announced that 
they would not enter the caucus of Republican members. 
The result was that for ten days the legislature voted in 
vain for a senator, Carpenter leading, Washburn coming 
next, with other votes scattered among lesser candidates. 

Then a compromise was effected and Angus Cameron, 
a Republican, was chosen senator to succeed Carpenter. 
For this result Carpenter never forgave Washburn. He 
declared Washburn had said in a letter which was printed, 
that he would not be a candidate for the Senate against 
Carpenter. The theory was that this promise was made in 
return for Carpenter’s support of Washburn’s candidacy 
for the governorship. Washburn declared the letter had 
been garbled,—that he had made no such promise. It 
is hard to see any reason for his having made it. The 
governorship was attainable without Carpenter’s aid and 
Washburn was not a man who would have been apt to 
mortgage his political future. 

The La Crosse Republican and Leader, a newspaper 


382 Israel, Elihu and Cadwallader Washburn 


devoted to Washburn’s interests, was a persistent enemy 
of Carpenter, and finally on the 17th of March, 1877, 
contained a bitter arraignment of him. This brought 
forth a reply from Carpenter, dated March 23, in the 
course of which he alluded to Washburn in unfriendly 
terms. Washburn replied in the Chicago Tribune on 
April 6, 1877, charging that he had been defeated for his 
second term as governor, because the people were ex- 
asperated by Carpenter’s course in the Senate. Carpenter 
replied April 24, 1877, in an open letter to Washburn, a 
long, abusive, insulting letter, revealing no facts to 
justify the language in which the writer indulged. The 
charge that Washburn said he would not be a candidate 
for the Senate against Carpenter was repeated. It formed, 
in fact, the only foundation for Carpenter’s long letter. 

Six years later Carpenter was a candidate again and was 
elected after ninety ballots had been taken in the legis- 
lature. Washburn’s friends were still opposing him but 
Washburn himself was not in the contest and his name 
was not brought forward as a candidate. 


THE FLOUR MILLS 


The activities of Cadwallader Washburn in financial 
and commercial affairs were so numerous that it is out 
of the question to enumerate them. For investment he 
was interested in the building of rails and the purchase 
of land, but the industry, upon which his enterprise had 
the greatest effect, was the manufacture of wheat flour. 
As a child at The Norlands he lived close to the Andro- 
scoggin River where there were mills, as a youth he lived 
at Hallowell where again there were mills. Even in Wis- 
casset, Maine, where he lived last, he could see old, aban- 
doned mills. Throughout his life in the West he clung 
to the river, at Davenport, Rock Island and La Crosse. 
When he became governor of Wisconsin he was so taken 
with the charm and beauty of Madison and the glory of 
the surrounding lakes, that he built a handsome house at 
the city’s edge; and which he appropriately named Edge- 
wood. But the living here did not make him untrue 
to La Crosse. That place remained the center of his 
affections. The prairie lies behind it and the Mississippi 
River in front of it. 

So having crossed the river from Davenport, Iowa, 
to Stephenson, Illinois, and being familiar with Galena, a 
little higher up, and having left Mineral Point, to go 
back to the river still higher up at La Crosse, it was 
natural instinct and foresight which took him further to 
the Falls of St. Anthony where Minneapolis now stands. 

He had lived in four Western states,—Iowa, Illinois, 
Wisconsin, and Minnesota. In fact he was so identified 

383 


384 Israel, Elihu and Cadwallader Washburn 


with Minnesota that official accounts of that state’s 
development always include his name; and this although 
he was a citizen of Wisconsin. 

His connection with the development of Minnesota 
began before he had settled in La Crosse. In 1856 he, 
with some others, incorporated the Minneapolis Water 
Power Company. 

This led on to the erection of his first flour mill in 1866, 
the largest mill on the falls and having eleven run of 
stones. It was managed by the firm of Christian, Tomlin- 
son & Company, the owners being Washburn and George 
H. Christian. It was known as “B Mill.” The firm name 
afterwards became Washburn and Hazard, Washburn 
being the principal owner. Then it changed into the 
hands of Washburn, Crosby & Company in 1877, the 
membership being C. C. Washburn, John Crosby, and 
William Drew Washburn. It was in “B Mill” that the 
first experiments were made in “new process” flour 
manufacture and there that the first purifier was in- 
stalled. The mill was six stories high and was known as 
the “Big Mill.”” It was remodeled on the roller system in 
1880. It then turned out 650 barrels of flour per day. 

The second Washburn mill, “‘Mill A,” was built in 
1873-4. This was seven stories high and had forty run of 
stones. It was a “new process” mill producing from 
1200 to 1500 barrels,per day. It was the greatest mill in 
the country and.«9ccordingly famed. By the explosion 
and fire of May 2, 1878, it was absolutely demolished. 
The day after this catastrophe the ground for the third 
mill, ““C,”’ was surveyed and the mill built by 1879. The 
site of the “‘Diamond Mill,” which had also been de- 
stroyed, was bought and Washburn “A Mill” erected on 
it. This, then, was the largest mill in the world. The 


Cadwallader Colden Washburn 385 


new “C Mill” contained about twenty pairs of mill stones. 
It was changed afterwards to a roller mill with a capacity 
of 1650 barrels per day. Here in 1878-g Washburn 
started his experimental roller mill. Then in 1880-81 the 
greatest of the mills was built on the site of the old mill 
“A.” This started with a capacity of 3500 barrels per 
day, and soon exceeded that amount. The daily capacity 
of the three mills when General Washburn died was 6500 
barrels per day, requiring 30,000 bushels of wheat daily, 
with elevators holding 308,000 bushels, with 231 pairs of 
rolls in operation and thirty-five run of feeders,—the 
principal owner of them all being C. C. Washburn. They 
were operated by Washburn, Crosby & Company, the 
firm comprising Cadwallader Washburn, John Crosby, 
Wm. H. Dunwoody, and Charles J. Martin. 

When the fire occurred in the flour mills an interesting 
question arose over the liability of the insurance companies 
to pay the premiums. If the destruction was from an 
explosion alone they could escape; if from fire they were 
liable. There was no doubt that there had been both but 
Washburn insisted that the chief cause of the destruction 
was fire. He protected his interests with his wonted 
energy and free-spoken denunciation of those who opposed 
him. {To Elihu, August 2, 1878, from Cincinnati he wrote: 


“Have had another interview with the scoundrels. 
They won’t decide what they will do, and I have got to 
wait another day. I am afraid that | -an do nothing and 
shall have to resort to violent measure. , . . The scoun- 
drels want to creep out.” 


From Minneapolis, November 13, 1878: 


“‘T have not shown the White feather yet, and don’t 
want to. Have paid all bills so far.” 


386 «=: Israel, Elihu and Cadwallader Washburn 


It was after the fire of 1878, indeed in consequence 
of it, that the milling industry was revolutionized by 
Cadwallader Washburn. The story of how he invoked 
the aid of William de la Barre and employed him is 
simple and can best be told by Mr. de la Barre himself as 
he detailed it in a letter recently (July, 1917) sent to 
Mrs. A. Warren Kelsey, Mr. Washburn’s daughter: 


I came to Minneapolis early in June 1878, about one 
month after the great Mill explosion of May 2nd, 1878, 
which destroyed the big Washburn “A” Mill and four 
other flour mills, one grain elevator, and damaged the 
Washburn “B” Mill. 

I came there from Philadelphia where I had been em- 
ployed for ten years as a draughtsman and engineer of the 
Pascal Iron Works of Morris Tasker & Company, Fifth 
and Tasker Streets. 

During the Centennial Exposition at Philadelphia in 
1876, I became acquainted with the German mill builder 
Gustave Behrns who exhibited, in the exposition, a small 
model of a device intended to prevent flour dust explosions 
on millstones, which device Mr. Behrns endeavored to 
introduce in this country but without success. He became 
discouraged and returned to Europe. At the close of the 
Exposition the model illustrating this millstone ventilation 
got into possession of Brehmer Brothers, engineers and 
machinists in Philadelphia, together with the agency of this 
invention for the United States. 

About two weeks after the mill explosion, Governor 
Washburn telegraphed Brehmer Brothers that they should 
send someone conversant with the Behrns invention to 
Minneapolis and to explain and demonstrate the usefulness 
of the invention and they engaged me to make the trip for 
them. In this way I came to meet your father in June, 
1878, who from the first took great interest in the device 
and I soon enjoyed his unqualified confidence after demon- 
strating that it would do all I claimed for it. This mill- 


Cadwallader Colden Washburn 387 


stone ventilating he adopted for all of his mills and thus 
helped me to have the other millers do likewise. 

In the fall of 1879 he engaged my services as his engineer 
and technical superintendent of mills and I remained in 
that position until 1891. In 1880 I was sent to Europe to 
study the Hungarian Process of milling, after having made 
the plans for the building into which the new process was 
to be installed. After an absence of five months I returned 
and made the designs for the new Mill “A.” 

The first Roller Mill approaching anywhere near the 
Hungarian or Gradual Reduction Process of making flour 
was built in one corner of the Washburn “C” Mill, orig- 
inally called the “‘B”’ Mill extension, early in 1880. It was 
an experimental mill of small capacity. Governor Wash- 
burn, while in Europe in 1879, had arranged with Oscar 
Oexle of Augsburg, Bavaria, to make plans for such a 
mill and the machinery for it was mostly imported from 
Europe. The grinding rolls were of porcelain and they, as 
well as other appliances, did not prove satisfactory for 
American conditions so that this experimental mill was 
remodelled after a short time and chilled iron rolls, imported 
from Budapest, Hungary, were installed, and these were 
more satisfactory. These rolls were the first corrugated 
chilled iron rolls in this country... . 


PHILANTHROPIC PURSUITS 


It is impossible to follow Washburn’s career far without 
seeing that there ran through it a strain of benevolence and 
appreciation for the higher things of life. He had pity 
for the Southerners even when he was fighting to make 
their condition most pitiful, and he always carried in 
his mind a desire to ameliorate the lot of the fatherless and 
the unfortunate. We see how carefully he guarded the 
educational interests of the state. The great State 
University, now one of the foremost educational institu- 
tions in the country, and the Historical Society, which 
has no superior among historical societies, owe him a debt 
of gratitude. His interest in the Historical Society was as 
old as the society itself. When it was organized in 1854 
his partner, Cyrus Woodman, was one of the vice pres- 
idents; two years later Washburn began giving books to 
its library. In 1873 he arranged to give $100 annually to 
the library binding fund. In 1875 he became vice pres- 
ident of the society and in 1878 was made president, 
which office he held until his death. 

When he was abroad, struggling against the diseases 
which killed him a few months later, he wrote to Lyman 
C. Draper, secretary of the society, approving of the proj- 
ects then forming to obtain a new building. ‘Though 
I am told by my physicians,” he wrote, “that I must stop 
writing, and even thinking, I will bid them defiance so far 
as to say to you that I approve of every word you say. 
The State is justly proud of the Historical Society, and to © 

388 


Cadwallader Colden Washburn 389 


you, especially, and to your associate, Mr. Durrie, is due 
the honor of its being what it is.” 

His connection with the State University began 
actively when he was governor. He had always approved 
of the institution and kept himself informed of its prog- 
ress. He did everything he could to advance its interests. 
Cyrus Woodman was on the first board of regents chosen 
in 1848. The two friends kept up their mutual interests. 

The honorary degree of Doctor of Laws was conferred 
upon Washburn in 1872. In 1877 he determined to show 
his interest in the University in a ‘substantial manner. 
He, therefore, erected an observatory and equipped it 
with every type of apparatus necessary to make it com- 
plete. It is told in this connection, that he had made an 
engagement with one of the regents of the University 
to meet him at nine o’clock on the morning of May 3, 
1878, to mark off the ground where the observatory 
should stand. On the night of the 2nd occurred the ex- 
plosion and fire in the Minneapolis mills which destroyed 
Cadwallader Washburn’s greatest work. With this 
knowledge, when the regent repaired to the appointed 
place, he little expected to find Washburn, but the latter 
promptly appeared and showing no signs of excitement or 
depression. To the condolences of the regent he replied 
that the loss was heavy in property, but that he regarded 
as of small consequence. He was distressed, however, 
over the loss of life and resultant suffering among the 
employees. Then he and the regent staked off the ground 
upon which the observatory was to be built. That done 
he left for Minneapolis to meet the problem of rebuilding 
the mills which had been destroyed. The observatory 
was completed in 1878 and stands on a beautiful hill in 
the college grounds. Over the door of the rotunda the 


390 Israel, Elihu and Cadwallader Washburn 


regents placed a tablet with these words: “Erected and 
finished, A. D. 1878, by the munificence of Cadwallader 
C. Washburn, and by him presented to the University of 
Wisconsin—A tribute to general science. In recognition 
of this gift, this tablet is inserted by the regents of the 
University.” 

By act of the legislature in 1879 Washburn was made an 
honorary member of the board of regents of the University 
“for and during his good pleasure.” It was his pleasure 
to be a regent for the rest of his life. The observatory not 
being large enough to satisfy all needs was enlarged by 
Mr. Washburn in 1879. It still stands as one of the best 
equipped observatories in the country and one of the im- 
portant institutions devoted to astronomical science. 
Having put up the observatory, he took a continuous 
interest in its career. The reports both of a business and 
scientific nature were submitted to him and even during 
the days of his last illness he saw the proof sheets of the 
first volume of the Observations. At that time the head 
of the observatory was Professor Edward S. Holden, 
an admirer and friend of Washburn’s, who when he died, 
gave perhaps the fairest estimate of him. “His soul was 
such as Chaucer has described—sober, pitiful, wise, true 
as steel itself.” 

The observatory was the largest benefaction Washburn 
made during his life, but he had it in mind before his 
death to establish the orphanage at Minneapolis in 
honor of his mother. As usually happens in such cases, 
he died before he had carried out his intention. 


LAST DAYS 


Cadwallader Washburn had gone from Maine with a 
foundation of good health. His digestion was not exacting, 
his lungs were sound, all his organs normal. His physical 
strength was good. When the final breakup of his 
system came it was his first serious illness. Probably it 
was hastened by the driving energy of his life. He had 
never known inaction or leisure until the stricken body 
refused to work. He was always working, always plan- 
ning, always moving, never giving the noble machine a 
moment to cool. 

Early in January, 1881, he suffered a paralytic stroke 
and ever afterwards was an invalid. He had not the 
least idea of giving up his life, however, and never, up 
to the very end, ceased to believe that he would get 
well. 

In the summer of 1881 he went abroad to consult the 
best physicians of Europe and try the curative powers of 
European springs. He wrote with such difficulty that 
his correspondence was conducted by an amanuensis, 
usually in this case, his daughter. From Carlsbad, 
Angers Hotel, July 11, 1881, to Elihu he wrote: 


“IT suppose the recovery of Garfield is assured or it is 
to be hoped so as his death would have lead to terrible 
complications . . . but then what do I care? I am no 
longer ‘forced’ and am relieved from the necessity of 
getting myself glass eyes and like a scurvy politician see- 
ing the things that are not.” 


391 


392 = Israel, Elihu and Cadwallader Washburn 


AGAIN TO E LInu 


Carlsbad, July 16, 1881 

“T am glad that matters seem prosperous to you in 
Minneapolis. I don’t hear much from there and they 
evidently look upon me as a perfect cypher. I will astonish 
them some day. . . . I do not think that doctors can do me 
any good but that time and rest can alone restore me. 
Seegin speaks more lightly of my ailment than any of the 
doctors and they all disagree, which makes me hopeful . . . 
The best doctors I have had are Anderson and McArthur 
of La Crosse.” 


He wanted to get back to La Crosse. He was lonely. 
The Doctor Seegin said his organs were normal; but that 
his brain had been overworked. It was imperative that 
he should give himself a long rest. He ought to live away 
from business for a full year in a good climate and out 
in the open air. 

He began planning a winter in Florida or Cuba, yet he 
wrote from Wildbad August 13, 1881, to Elihu: 


**T am very anxious to get home and I have sundry great 
enterprises that I want to take hold of as soon as my health 
is restored.” 3 

Sen Montreaux, September 6, 1881 
I do not think that I am essentially better than when I 
left the Hot Springs. I have little appetite and little 
strength. All the doctors join in saying that I must not go 
home at present, which I think is about the only truth 
they have told me. I shall probably spend the winter in 
Southern Europe. 


But he might go to Algiers. He wrote long careless 
letters, full of boy’s reminiscences and assumed abuse of 
his brothers under which he hid the deep affection he felt 


for them. 


Cadwallader Colden Washburn 393 


At Paris October 13, 1881, there was a consultation of 
doctors who diagnosed his disease as renal cirrhosis with 
consecutive percardiatrophia which meant disease of the 
kidneys and the heart, a diagnosis which proved to be 
correct for he died of those disabilities six months later. 

He left Europe the end of October on the Else. 


To Eurauv B. WAsHBURNE 


October 16, 1881 
“T am glad to go home and think I made a mistake in 
coming here. If I had stuck by the Prairie doctors I think 
I would have been all right or if I had spent the summers at 
Norlands. As it is I am as badly off as Hall Hersey who was 
‘thoroughly discouraged.’ ” 


He wanted to try Dr. Weir Mitchell’s treatment and in 
November was in Philadelphia living at the St. George 
Hotel. While there he summoned his old friend Cyrus 
Woodman, who found him in good spirits although in poor 
health. It was at this time that he made his will, which 
Woodman drew up under his direction and which he 
signed on December 31. His brother, William Drew, who 
was in Congress came over to Philadelphia to see him. 
Israel had met him in New York Bay when he returned 
from Europe. 

Early in the spring he went to Eureka Springs, Arkansas, 
to try the wonderful medicinal springs of the place. His 
health seemed to improve,—or his hopes were aroused,— 
and he believed he would be back in La Crosse in May, 
there to pass the summer and return to Eureka in the 
autumn. He believed the Eureka waters had a wonderful 
effect and that if he had drunk them sooner they would 
have saved him many years of suffering. He saw signs 
of improvement in his paralysis even. He was intensely 


394 Israel, Elihu and Cadwallader Washburn 


anxious that Elihu should try the springs for his health. 
His last letter to Elihu was dated April 9. 

His death was gradual. Israel came to see him. Wil- 
liam Drew and Elihu were there, also his daughters and 
their husbands and his sister, Mrs. Buffum and her 
husband. He was attended constantly by his faithful 
valet, William L. Freman. 

A great paralysis set in on ‘Saturday, May 12, 1882, 
early in the morning, and they thought him dying. Then 
he sank into a comatose state. He died at 5:30 o’clock 
in the afternoon of Tuesday, May 15. He was sixty-four 
years old, and was the first of Israel Washburn’s sons to 
die. 

There was a funeral service in the hotel, the Perry 
House, at Eureka Springs and the body was carried to La 
Crosse where there was a public funeral. 

The governor of the state issued a proclamation eulogiz- 
ing Washburn and appointed a committee to meet the 
body at the state line and accompany it to La Crosse. 
The railway gave a special train to transport the com- 
mittee with Washburn’s body from Chicago, and gave 
also free travel to the funeral from all the towns of the 
state and from Minneapolis. As the funeral train passed 
through the state there were demonstrations of respect 
at every station. At the funeral nearly every town in the 
state was represented. By order of the governor all public 
business was suspended. In Minneapolis the great mills 
did not move, and business in La Crosse was generally 
suspended. 

The body arrived from Chicago at seven o’clock in the 
evening of Wednesday, May 16, and was taken to the 
Court House under military guard. The next day, May 
17, it lay in state and an enormous crowd gathered 


Cadwallader Colden Washburn 395 


about the Court House. Many of the people had come 
from Milwaukee, Chicago, and Minneapolis. The funeral 
services were conducted in the Court House by the Rev. 
J. C. Tuttle, the Universalist minister from Minneapolis. 
Then there was a military funeral with full honors. The 
governor, judges and other officials entered the procession 
to Oakwood cemetery. 

A great deal of interest centered in Washburn’s will. 
His property was worth between two and three millions 
of dollars. It was found that after making special pro- 
vision for his relatives, he left $375,000 for the orphan 
asylum at Minneapolis, and $50,000 for a public library 
at La Crosse. He had already given to the University of 
Wisconsin the $50,000 observatory and his beautiful 
Edgewood to the sisters of charity for their school. The 
Washburn Orphan Asylum he provided should be for 
orphans and half orphans and should be open to any child 
under fourteen years of age, to remain for one year, not 
to remain after he or she reached the age of fifteen and a 
half years. 






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ADDENDUM 


It was originally intended to include in this volume 
sketches of the seven sons of Israel Washburn. The 
material for the lives of Algernon Sidney Washburn, 
Charles Ames Washburn and Samuel Benjamin Wash- 
burn was actually in hand while the sketch of William 
Drew Washburn had been finished. 

Owing to the outbreak of the world war, work on the 
book was put aside and the Ms. pertaining to William 
Drew Washburn disappeared. It has been deemed ad- 
visable to publish this volume in its present form. 

William Drew Washburn was a great force in opening 
up the Northwest. Minneapolis, his home, was the center 
of his activities. He was interested in lumber, flouring 
mills, and was the builder of several railroads. He served 
in the House of Representatives for three terms and for 
six years in the United States Senate. 

Should a second edition of the book be published it is 
now planned to incorporate in it, if possible, the biogra- 
phies of the four brothers omitted from the first printing. 


397 





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